Published online by Cambridge University Press: 17 February 2009
No nation begins anew – with or without a political revolution – without building upon and carrying forward selective aspects of an inherited past. Nor for that matter, is any national policy implemented without reference to past experience and accumulated resources. Despite claims of revolutionary transformation and self-sufficiency, no nation has developed a modern medical system either overnight or in isolation.
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3. Figure 1 represents a composite of organizational information drawn from Chinese media reports, see foonote 2 and reports of recent medical visitors to the PRC, e.g. Seah, S. K. K., “Health care in the People's Republic of China,” Canadian Journal of Public Health, 66 (01/02 1975), pp. 56–60Google ScholarPubMed, and Sidel, Victor W. and Sidel, Ruth, Serve the people: Observations on Medicine in the People's Republic of China (Baltimore: Port City Press for the Josiah Macy, Jr, Foundation, 1973)Google Scholar. Figure 1 medical staff designations are defined by this author as: Type 1: Higher medical school graduates in medicine, pharmacology and dentistry; Type 2: Intermediate or secondary medical school graduates; includes doctor's assistants, nurses and most advanced level of midwives with three years' college level professional education; Type 3: Great Leap Forward “peasant doctors” and Cultural Revolution “barefoot doctors” with primarily apprenticeship training; Type 4: Spare-time public health workers and rural midwives trained primarily by apprenticeship during slack agricultural seasons.
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18. The Central Field Health Station departments were: (1) Bacteriology and Epidemic Disease Control; (2) Chemistry and Pharmacology; (3) Parasitology; (4) Sanitary Engineering; (5) Medical Relief and Social Medicine; (6) Maternity and Child Health; (7) Industrial Health; (8) Epidemiology and Vital Statistics; and (9) Health Education. See Liu, J. Heng, NHA and CFHS Director, Comité d'Hygiène, League of Nations, Report on China: Preparatory Paper for the Inter-governmental Conference of Far Eastern Countries on Rural Hygiene (Geneva: C.H. 1235(f), 05 1937), p. 18Google Scholar.
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29. * indicates institutes located in Nanjing until December 1937. Figure 2 represents a composite of organizational information drawn from ibid.
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66. e.g. FBIS-PRC (8 September 1978), E 17; Sidel and Sidel (1973), pp. 88–94. See note 3 for distinctions made by this author between medical personnel “types.” The Dazhai commune, which was lauded during the Cultural Revolution as a model commune, has been implicated in recent criticisms of its former leader, Chen Yonggui.
67. FBIS-PRC (27 June 1977), E 6.
68. e.g. note 11, 1978 policy quote above.
69. Other analyses of Chinese policy shifts have focused more on changes in policy means than the long term continuities in policy goals emphasized in this study. E.g. Lampton, David M., The Politics of Medicine in China: The Policy Process, 1949–1977 (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Special Studies on China and East China, 1977)Google Scholar who analyses PRC health policy in terms of two conflicting Party lines, central coalition politics and bureaucratic interest group politics. For a critique and defence of Amitai Etzioni's cyclic theory of “normative,” “remunerative,” and “coercive,” means to Chinese policy implementation, see Andrew J. Nathan, “Policy Oscillations in the People's Republic of China: A Critique,” and Edwin A. Winckler, “Policy Oscillations in the People's Republic of China: A Reply,” C.Q., No. 68 (1976), pp. 720–50.