1. For a general analysis of state-society relations in China, see Gold, Thomas B., “Party-state versus society in China,” in Kallgren, Joyce K. (ed.), Building a Nation-State: China after Forty Years (Berkeley: Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, 1990), ch. 5Google Scholar.

2. For a good description of informal groups in traditional China, see Elvin, Mark, The Pattern of the Chinese Past (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1973)Google Scholar.

3. On the limitations to the political influence of the Treaty Port Chinese, see Murphey, Rhoads, The Treaty Ports and China's Modernization: What Went Wrong? (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Center for Chinese Studies, 1970)Google Scholar.

4. For an excellent evaluation of the role of Chinese intellectuals, see Goldman, Merle with Cheek, Timothy and Hamrin, Carol Lee (eds.), China's Intellectuals and the State: In Search of a New Relationship (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Council on East Asian Studies, 1987)Google Scholar, especially “Introduction: uncertain change” by Goldman and Cheek.

5. One of the best anthropological studies of Chinese identity-formation in the family context involving “wordly and other-wordly residences” is still Hsu's, Francis L K.Under the Ancestors' Shadow (New York: Columbia University Press, 1948)Google Scholar.

6. Bary, Wm. Theodore de, Self and Society in Ming Thought (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970)Google Scholar.

7. Ibid. pp. 145–225.

8. Metzger, Thomas A., Escape from Predicament: Neo-Confucianism and China's Evolving Political Culture (New York: Columbia University Press, 1977) p. 197Google Scholar.

9. Schwartz, Benjamin I., The World of Thought in Ancient China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1985)Google Scholar.

10. Although Munro acknowledges some of de Bary's interpretations, he is in the main closer to the standard view, holding that in Chinese culture there is really no place for a “private self because the self is defined by society and government. See Munro, Donald, The Concept of Man in Contemporary China (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1977), pp. 45–55Google Scholar.

11. The China Quarterly, 96 (1983), p. 739.

12. Zhao Fusan, “Some thoughts on certain aspects of modern western culture: reading notes,” People's Daily, as quoted by Madsen, Richard, “The spiritual crisis of China's intellectuals,” in Davis, Deborah and Vogel, Ezra F.(eds.), Chinese Society on the Eve of Tiananmen: The Impact of Reform (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1990) p. 247Google Scholar.

13. For a discussion of the conflicting tendencies in Chinese socialization practices, placed in historical context, see Saari, Jon L., Legacies of Childhood: Growing up Chinese in a Time of Crisis, 1890–1920 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1990), especially ch. 4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

14. For a more detailed analysis of the psychological dimensions of the Self-Other problem in Chinese culture see “The psychological roots of China's opposing political cultures,” in my The Mandarin and the Cadre (Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 1988)Google Scholar. That analysis in turn was based on evidence found in such works as Bond, Michael Harris (ed.), The Psychology of the Chinese People (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986)Google Scholar; Yu, David Y. H. (ed.), Chinese Culture and Mental Health (Orlando, FL: Academic Press, 1985)Google Scholar; Abbott, Kenneth A., “Cultural change and the persistence of the Chinese personality,” in Vos, George de (ed.), Response to Change: Society, Culture and Personality (New York: Van Nostrand, 1976)Google Scholar; Munro, Donald J. (ed.), Individualism and Holism: Studies in Confucian and Taoist Values (Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 1985)Google Scholar. Especially noteworthy are the various works of Hsu, Francis L. K., including “The Self in cross-cultural perspective,” in Marsella, Anthony J., Vos, George De and Hsu, Francis L. K. (eds.), Culture and Self: Asian and Western Perspectives (New York & London: Tavistock Publishers, 1985)Google Scholar; “Eros, affect, and Pao,” in Hsu, Francis L. K. (ed.), Kinship and Culture (Chicago: Aldine Publishers, 1971)Google Scholar; and Americans and Chinese: Passages to Difference (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1985)Google Scholar.

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16. Many Chinese have informed me that the discussion of the problem of intimacy in The Mandarin and the Cadre (ch. 2) spoke to something very real in their lives, and that they wished it was a topic that could be more frankly discussed by Chinese.

17. The added theoretical dimension to the essentially structural-functional approach which made Schumann's, FranzIdeology and Organization in Communist China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966)Google Scholar such a classic study was the historical recognition of continuity and change with respect to organizational membership in Chinese society.

18. Townsend, James R., Political Participation in Communist China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967) p. 19Google Scholar.

19. Ho, Ping-ti, “Salient aspects of China's heritage,” in Ho, Ping-ti and Tsou, Tang (eds.), China's Heritage and the Communist Political System (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968), Vol. I, p. 32Google Scholar.

20. Rankin, Mary Backus, “The origins of a Chinese public sphere: Local elites and community affairs in the late imperial period,” paper presented to New England China Seminar, Harvard University, 27 11 1990Google Scholar. See also her Elite Activism and Political Transformation in China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1986)Google Scholar.

21. Yang, Martin C., A Chinese Village (New York: Columbia University Press, 1945), chs. 12–13Google Scholar.

22. Smith, Richard J., China's Cultural Heritage: The Ch'ing Dynasty, 1644–1912 (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1983), p. 100Google Scholar.

23. Ch'u, T'ung-tsu, Local Government in China Under the Ch'ing (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1962), pp. 150–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

24. Under the Kuomintang the system involved 10 households for each jia, and ten jia for each bao. Hsu, Under the Ancestors' Shadow, p. 111.

25. It would be hard to overstate the appeal of radicalism for young Chinese in the 1920s and 1930s which stemmed from their dissatisfaction with the traditional family system. Writers such as Ba Jin and Ding Ling were popularly described as radicals largely because they wrote stories about unhappy family life. Historically there probably has been no greater disfunction between private cause and public effect than that of the radicalized Chinese youth who wished to get rid of arranged marriages, concubinage, and the absolute authority of grandfathers and fathers, and who ended up with the totalitarian controls of a Confucian Leninist party – a party which professed that it was seeking to raise political consciousness and make more modern many of those radicalized writers by sending them to the countryside to live with traditional peasants who believed in the old family system. To add insult to injury such writers were required to idealize such peasants in their writings while attacking as evil “rightists” enlightened individuals with modern skills and knowledge, that is, people who were like what they themselves had aspired to be. Ding Ling seemed to believe until the day she died that 22 years of rustication at labour reform in the countryside, topped by three years of solitary confinement, was a price worth paying forgetting rid of concubinage and the authority of Chinese fathers.

26. These organizational arrangements are well described in Whyte, Martin King, Small Groups and Political Rituals in China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974)Google Scholar. The dependence of the individual on the danwei was in some respects more complete than the traditional dependence upon the family, for the danwei controlled one's career, housing, rationing, marriage decision, and even when to have a child. Moreover, through the institution of the personal dossier, the danan, the work unit knew things about individuals that were kept secret from them.

27. Scott, James C., Weapons of the Weak (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985)Google Scholar.

28. White, Lynn T. II, Policies of Chaos (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989) p. 88Google Scholar.

29. Ibid. ch. 1.

30. Kraus, Richard Curt, Class Conflicts in Chinese Socialism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981) ch. 6Google Scholar.

31. The ways in which Chinese have responded to the danwei system have been well analysed in Walder, Andrew G., Communist Neo-Traditionalism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986)Google Scholar.

32. For an excellent discussion of the rediscovery of personal relationships in the post-Mao era, see Gold, Thomas B., “After comradeship: personal relations in China since the Cultural Revolution,” The China Quarterly, 104 (1985) pp. 657–675CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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34. Geertz, Clifford, Negara (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986)Google Scholar.

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36. Although Ezra Vogel's research was done before Tiananmen, his findings about Guangdong's economic progress are still largely valid. See Vogel, Ezra, One Step Ahead in China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1989)Google Scholar.

37. “Guangdong does it own way, the centre reproaches,” Chung-yang ribao (Central Daily News), 23 October 1990, p. 4.

38. Cited in Tyson, Ann Scott, “China rotates leaders to cut local power,” Christian Science Monitor, 14 11 1990, p. 4Google Scholar.

39. Huang, Ray, 1587, A Year oj No Significance: The Ming Dynasty in Decline (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981)Google Scholar.

40. Although it has become conventional to picture the Chinese leadership as paralysed because of the divisions between “hardliners” and “reformers,” the actual factional divisions are more complex and less vividly determined by policy alternatives. For a good identification of four factional groupings, see Shambaugh, David, “China in 1990: The year of damage control,” Asian Survey, Vol. XXXI, No. 1 (1991), pp. 36–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

41. Possibly the most vivid description of how young Chinese in particular have enthusiastically sought to find themselves by seeking out the fads and fashions of modern youth culture is Schell's, OrvilleDiscos and Democracy (New York: Pantheon, 1988)Google Scholar.

42. I have analysed the psychological bases for why disappointment with authority produces the reaction of anger in The Spirit of Chinese Politics (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1968)Google Scholar.

43. Even during the Mao period citizens had to engage in deception and questionable strategies to get ahead. For an excellent study of how that system forced people to act in immoral ways see Shirk, Susan, Competitive Comrades: Career Incentives and Student Strategies in China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982)Google Scholar.

44. Wei, Lin, “Mangliu shehui dongluan de zhengzhao?” (“‘Blind migration,’ is it an omen of social upheaval?” The Nineteen Nineties (04 1989), pp. 53–55Google Scholar.

45. Xinwei, Deng, “Zhonggong renkou zhengce yu dalu renkou wenti” (“The CCP's population policy and the population problem on the mainland”), Zhonggou dalu (China Mainland), No. 274 (08 1990), p. 20Google Scholar.

46. Lei, Shi, “Renkou da liudong de chongji” (“The impact of the great population movement”), Zhongguo zhi chun (China Spring) (04 1989), pp. 47–48Google Scholar.

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48. Lei, Shi, “The impact of the great population movement,” p. 48Google Scholar.

49. New York Times, 29 October 1990, p. 15.

50. See Gold, Thomas B., “Urban private business in China,” Studies in Comparative Communism, Vol. 22, No. 2–3 (Spring–Summer 1989), pp. 187–200CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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52. Personal communication from senior Chinese scholar.

53. Much of the best of the new writing has been translated in Barme, Geremie and Minford, John, Seeds of Fire: Chinese Voices of Conscience (New York: Hill and Wang, 1988)Google Scholar; Siu, Helen and Stern, Zelda, Mao's Harvest (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983)Google Scholar.

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55. Tong, Shen, Almost a Revolution (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1990)Google Scholar.