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Sino-Soviet Competition in North Korea
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 17 February 2009
Extract
Victimised by its strategic location throughout history, North Korea appears once again to be the scene of competition for dominant influence between its powerful neighbours. As the recent statement by Chairman Kim Il-sung quoted above suggests, the Communist régime in North Korea was apprehensive about the mounting crisis in Sino-Soviet relations in the summer and autumn of 1960. What it did not reveal is that the issues involved in the Sino-Soviet dispute had already exercised a profound effect on the domestic and foreign policies of this Asian satellite for a period of several years.
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- Copyright © The China Quarterly 1961
References
1 Korean Central News Agency (KCNA), 08 14, 1960.Google Scholar
2 Although this article focuses on developments since 1958, it is reasonable to assume that Sino-Soviet friction over North Korea dates back at least as far as the Korean War. Limitations of space as well as lack of data, preclude treatment of this earlier period.
3 For a comprehensive discussion of the origins of the Sino-Soviet dispute, see Zagoria, Donald S., “Strains in the Sino-Soviet Alliance, Problems of Communism, 05–06 1960.Google Scholar
4 The claim of ideological pre-eminence for Mao first appeared in Jen-min Jih-pao (People's Daily), 09 13, 1958.Google Scholar For a recent instance, see Chung, Fu, “Great Victory for Mao Tse-tung's Military Dialectics,”Google Scholaribid., October 6–7, 1960.
5 Hung Ch'i (Red Flag), Peking, 07 16, 1958.Google Scholar
6 Lenin's remarks were addressed to Communist organisations of Eastern Russia, not of Asia. The Hung Ch'i article admitted this, but held that the tasks presented by Lenin were “likewise placed before the Communists of Eastern countries.”
7 For a good discussion of the economic and ideological significance of China's communes, see the articles by Rich, S., Rousset, D. and Lowenthal, Richard in Problems of Communism, 01-02 1959.Google Scholar
8 This significant development attracted relatively little attention in the West. For a rare article dealing with this period, see Rudolph, P., “North Korea and the Path to Socialism,” Pacific Affairs, 06 1959.Google Scholar
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11 Jen-min Jih-pao, 11 28, 1958.Google Scholar
12 Ibid., November 27, 1958.
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14 Most of these pointed, if oblique, criticisms appeared in Khrushchev's report to the 21st CPSU Congress, 01 28, 1959.Google Scholar
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20 KCNA, 09 28, 1959.Google Scholar
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24 Attracted by Communist China's claim to have doubled grain production in 1958 by means of a revolutionary high-yield agricultural technology, the North Korean régime had followed Peking's lead by reducing planted grain acreage in 1959. Instead of the anticipated increase of 35 per cent., however, grain output in that year dropped nearly 10 per cent.
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29 The new seven-year plan unveiled by Kim Il-sung in August 1960 signalled the resumption of North Korea's forced draft development programme conducted at “flying horse” speed. The goals of more than tripling industrial output and increasing grain production (which has remained stationary for three years) by over 50 per cent, still appear highly unrealistic.
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35 See, for example, the article “Long Live Leninism!” in Hung Ch'i, 04 16, 1960.Google Scholar
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38 Ibid., August 14, 1960.
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43 Ibid.
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45 See, for example, the Korean Workers Party resolution on the Moscow Statement in KCNA, 12 24, 1960.Google Scholar
46 Pyongyang radio broadcast, NKHS, 12 11, 1960.Google Scholar
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