1. For a discussion of this, see Hsiao, Gene T., “The Sino-Japanese rapprochement: a relationship of ambivalence,” The China Quarterly (CQ), No. 57 (1974), pp. 101–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar. A longer version of this article appears in Hsiao, Gene T. (ed.), Sino-American Detente and Its Policy Implications (New York and London: Praeger, 1974), pp. 160–88Google Scholar.

2. Japanese exports amounted to $1,041 million and Japanese imports to $969 million, bringing the total to $2,010 million. See Japan Economic Review, No. 3 (15 03 1974), p. 12Google Scholar.

3. The English text of the joint statement is in Peking Review, No. 40 (6 10 1972), pp. 12–13Google Scholar; the Chinese text in Jen-min jih-pao (People's Daily), 30 September 1972, p. 1.

4. “Japan, China ink pact on undersea cable,” Japan Times, 5 May 1973, p. 11; “Scribe exchange okayed,” ibid. 6 January 1974, p. 3; “Japan, China ink three-year most-favored-nation reciprocal trade pact,” ibid. 6 January 1974, p. 1; “China-Japan air transport agreement signed in Peking,” Peking Review, No. 17 (26 04 1974), p. 3Google Scholar.

5. South-east Asia and Korea are also important issues in the development of Sino-Japanese relations. However, in comparative terms they are not so important as the other issues mentioned above. Besides, space limitation simply does not permit me to include a discussion of South-east Asia and Korea in this article.

6. The Sino-Japanese Joint Statement (29 September 1972), Arts. 2 and 3; “Foreign Minister Masayoshi Ohira holds press conference in Peking,” Jen-min jih-pao, 30 September 1972, p. 2. The English text of Ohira's statement is in Peking Review, No. 40 (6 10 1972), p. 15Google Scholar.

7. See “A new chapter in the annals of Sino-Japanese relations,” Jen-min jih-pao editorial, 30 September 1972, p. 2; “Japanese House of Representatives adopted unanimous resolution supporting Sino-Japanese joint statement,” ibid. 11 November 1972, p. 5.

8. “China asked to OK air link with Japan,” Japan Times, 12 January 1973, p. 1.9.

9. “China hands draft aviation pact to Hayashi,” ibid. 21 February 1973, p. 10.

10. “Aviation talks in Peking ended,” ibid. 16 March 1973, p. 1; “Japan, China wind up first air talks,” ibid. 18 March 1973, p. 10.

11. The Chinese demand was first made by Premier Chou En-lai in his conversation with the minister of international trade and industry, Yasuhiro Nakasone, in January 1973. See Japan Times, 20 January 1973, p. 1. Later it was formally conveyed to Japanese negotiators of the aviation agreement and revealed by the Japanese Government in January 1974. Sources of this revelation will be cited below at appropriate places.

12. See Hirasawa, Kazushige, “Sino-Japaoese relations,” Japan Times, 25 05 1973, p. 1Google Scholar; “Japan-China air pact opposed by LDP Dietmen,” ibid. 26 May 1973, p. 1.

13. “Japan warned about air accord,” Free China Weekly (Taipei), No. 28 (22 07 1973), p. 1Google Scholar.

14. JAL's profit from the Taiwan route in 1973 amounted to $20 million. See “Japan, Taiwan fail to reach air accord,” Japan Times, 6 March 1974, p. 4.

15. “Japan, China officials agree on trade rules,” Japan Times, 31 August 1973, p. 1; Halloran, Richard, “Chinese return from Japan talks,” New York Times, 3 09 1973, p. 23Google Scholar.

16. See Nadao's, press statement at the Taipei airport, Chung-yang jih-pao (Chung-yang Daily), 1 10 1973, p. 1Google Scholar.

17. Free China Weekly, No. 43 (4 11 1973), p. 1Google Scholar.

18. “Pro-Taiwan Dietmen against air pact change,” Japan Times, 5 October 1973, p. 1.

19. “Ohira may wrap up Japan-China air pact,” ibid. 4 November 1973, p. 4.

20. “Government announces poKcy to keep up air service between Japan, Taiwan,” Japan Times, 18 January 1974, pp. 1 and 4.

21. Nakamura, Koji, “Seirankai, forming the battle line,” Far Eastern Economic Review (FEER), No. 8 (25 02 1974), p. 23Google Scholar; “Seirankai: the young Turks flex their muscles,” Special Report on Japan in Asia 1974, in FEER, No. 19 (13 05 1974), p. 21Google Scholar.

22. Shimizu, Minoru, “Rivalry among junior LDP Dietmen,” Japan Times, 17 01 1974, p. 10Google Scholar; “Tanaka LDP faction gives Seirankai return blast,” ibid. 21 February 1974, p. 1; Kazushige Hirasawa, “LDP factionalism,” ibid. 8 March 1974, p. 1; “Seirankai Nagoya rally blasts Ohira,” ibid. 11 March 1974, p. 1.

23. Po, Lin, “A noteworthy tendency,” Jen-min jih-pao, 2 02 1974, p. 5Google Scholar; “Seirankai calling for closer co-operation with the Chiang gang,” ibid.; “Japan LDP inaugurated a committee to normalize the party against the Seirankai,” ibid. 10 February 1974, p. 6; “Japan: a handful of rightists stage anti-China force,” Peking Review, No. 10 (10 03 1974), p. 22Google Scholar; “Japan: Seirankai militarists denounced,” ibid. No. 12 (22 March 1974), p. 22.

24. “The dirt begins to fly,” FEER, No. 8 (25 02 1974), p. 5Google Scholar; Hirasawa, Kazushige, “LDP factionalism,” Japan Times, 8 03 1974, p. 1Google Scholar.

25. “LDP gives OK to basic government China air policy,” ibid. 10 February 1974, p. 1.

26. “ Japan, Taiwan fail to reach air accord,” ibid. 6 March 1974, p. 4; “Osamu Itagaki returns to Japan,” Chung-yang jih-pao, 10 March 1974, p. 1.

27. “Japan, China ink civil air pact,” Japan Times, 21 April 1974, p. 1; “Outline of Japan-China air pact,” ibid. p. 2; “Taiwan breaks off all civil aviation relations with Japan,” ibid. p. 1. The lower and upper houses of the Diet ratified the aviation agreement on 7 and 15 May respectively. See “Japan-China air accord okayed by Upper House,” ibid. 16 May 1974, p. 1. Taiwan's decision to suspend all CAL flights to Japan and halt all JAL flights to Taipei does not affect other foreign airlines' regular services between Taiwan and Japan.

28. See Jen-min jih-pao commentator, “Greeting the signing of China-Japan air transport agreement,” in Peking Review, No. 21 (24 05 1974), p. 18Google Scholar.

29. “UK, China may resume air talks,” Mainichi Daily News (Tokyo), 24 04 1974, p. 6Google Scholar; Takeshi Watanabe, “Further isolation of Taiwan after air accord,” ibid. p. 2.

30. In the 15 years from 1950 to 1964, Japan's total trade with China amounted to $1,307 million with an import deficit of $257 million. See Dernberger, Robert F., “Prospects for trade between China and the United States,” in Eckstein, Alexander (ed.), China Trade Prospects and U.S. Policy (New York: Praeger, 1971), Table A3, p. 288Google Scholar.

31. See Free China Weekly, No. 5 (10 02 1974), p. 1Google Scholar; Ching-sung, Chang, “The development of Sino-Japanese economic relations,” in Chung-yang jih-pao, 30 01 1974, p. 1Google Scholar. For Taiwan's overall trade figures for 1973, see Free China Weekly, No. 3 (20 01 1974), p. 1Google Scholar.

32. See Chung-yang jih-pao, 14 March 1973, p. 1; 15 March 1973, p. 1.

33. See “Agreement Between the Association of East Asia Relations and the Japan Interchange Association” (26 December 1972), Chung-yang jih-pao, 27 December 1972, p. 1; Pratt, Leonard, “The strange partnership,” Japan Times, 6 01 1974, p. 8Google Scholar.

34. For a discussion of these matters, see Hsiao, Gene T., “The role of trade in China's diplomacy with Japan,” in Cohen, Jerome A. (ed.), The Dynamics of China's Foreign Relations (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1970), p. 41CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

35. These four conditions were: China would not trade with (1) those Japanese firms that helped Taiwan to invade the mainland and South Korea to invade North Korea, (2) those that have large investments in Taiwan and South Korea, (3) those that supply arms and munitions to United States “imperialism” to wage aggression against Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia, and (4) the joint American-Japanese enterprises and American subsidiaries in Japan. See Ta Kungpao (Hong Kong), 3 05 1970, p. 2Google Scholar. The text of the communiqué is in New York Times, 22 November 1969, p. 14.

36. For an interesting discussion of this possibility, see Barnett, Robert W., “A future for Taiwan,” in Hsiao, Sino-American Detente, p. 262Google Scholar.

37. “The Chiang Kai-shek gang continues to sell out national interests for large-sum foreign capital,” Kuang-ming jih-pao (Kuang-ming Daily) (Peking), 7 11 1973, p. 3Google Scholar. For reference to Taiwan's recent economic situation, see Glenn, William, “Taiwan's new status,” Far Eastern Economic Review, No. 6 (11 02 1974), p. 40Google Scholar; “Taiwan's fragile prosperity,” ibid. No. 8 (25 February 1974), p. 36. For Peking's comment on Taiwan's agriculture and its relationship with foreign investment, see Jen-min jih-pao, 3 February 1974, p. 4.

38. “Speech by Premier Chou En-lai at Pyongyang mass rally,” Peking Review, No. 15 (10 04 1970), p. 18Google Scholar.

39. In Axelbank, Albert, Black Star Over Japan: Rising Forces of Militarism (New York: Hill and Wang, 1972), p. 154Google Scholar.

40. For example, in an interview with Japanese Socialists in April 1957, Chairman Mao Tse-tung frankly admitted that settlement of the Taiwan issue would take a long time because it involved the United States. See Leng, Shao-chuan, Japan and Communist China (Kyoto: Doshisha University Press, 1958), p. 98Google Scholar.

41. China's call for peaceful reunification with Taiwan was issued by the National Committee of the Chinese People's Consultative Conference on 28 February 1973. See Jen-min jih-pao, 1 March 1973, p. 1.

42. The purpose of Taiwan's treaty with the United States was “to strengthen the fabric of peace in the West Pacific Area … pending the development of a more comprehensive system of regional security” in the Area, which was defined as meaning, “in respect of the Republic of China, Taiwan and the Pescadores; and in respect of the United States, the island territories in the West Pacific under its jurisdiction”; as well as “such other territories as may be determined by mutual agreement.” These territories were generally understood to mean at least Quemoy and Matsu. See Mutual Defense Treaty Between the Republic of China and the United States of America (2 December 1954), Preamble and Arts. V and VI, in Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Treaties Between the Republic of China and Foreign States (1927–1961) (Taipei, 1958), pp. 824–26Google Scholar.

43. See Treaty of Mutual Co-operation and Security Between the United States of America and Japan (19 January 1960), Arts. IV and VI, in Department of State, U.S. Treaties and Other International Agreements, Vol. 11, TIAS 4509, pp. 1632 and 1634Google Scholar. For a discussion of the definition of the “Far East clause,” see Langdon, F. C., Japan's Foreign Policy (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1973), pp. 39–41Google Scholar.

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45. Kamiya, Fuji, “Japanese-U.S. relations and the security treaty: a Japanese perspective,” Asian Survey, No. 9 (09 1972), p. 717CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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47. See the Joint Communiqué, 28 February 1972, in Peking Review, No. 9 (3 03 1972), pp. 4–5Google Scholar.

48. In theory, Taiwan still maintains the “one China” position. In practice, the present Taipei authorities clearly want to separate the island from the main-land for an indefinite period. See Durdin, Tillman, “Taiwan's premier bars Peking deal,” New York Times, 1 01 1974Google Scholar.

49. See Reston, James, “An evening with the premier of China,” in Ching, Frank (ed.), Report From Red China (New York: Quadrangle Books, 1971), p. 79Google Scholar.

50. Wilson, Dick, “China-US: Strait options,” FEER, No. 26 (2 07 1973), p. 12Google Scholar.

51. See “Statement by Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger, June 3, 1974,” in Notes From the National Committee on U.S.-China Relations, No. 3 (06 1974), pp. 1–2Google Scholar.

52. Japanese business circles predict that the two-way trade with Taiwan will reach $5,000 million in three years.

53. In an editorial on the aviation agreement, for example, the newspaper contended: “the fact is that Taiwan enjoys complete independence and is territory over which Peking has no control whatsoever….” Japan Times, 26 March 1974, p. 10.

54. Russell, Bertrand, Power: A New Social Analysis (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1962), p. 82Google Scholar.

55. Maki, John M., “Japan and world politics in the 1970s (article review),” Pacific Affairs, No. 2 (Summer 1972), p. 290Google Scholar.

56. See Chun-ju, Shea, “On the prosecution and punishment of war criminals(6 September 1951),” in Jih-pen wen-t'i wen-chien chi (Collection of Documents on the Question of Japan) (Peking: Shih-chieh chih-shih ch'u-pan-she, 1955), Vol. 1 (1942–54), p. 74Google Scholar.

57. See Lenin, V. I., “Imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism,” Selected Works (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1960), Vol. 1, pp. 781–82Google Scholar.

58. For a discussion of the origins and development of the Japan-United States security alliance, see Wejnstein, Martin E., Japan's Postwar Defense Policy 1947–1968 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1971)Google Scholar.

59. Auer, James E., The Postwar Rearmament of Japanese Maritime Forces, 1945–1971 (New York: Praeger, 1973), p. 254Google Scholar.

60. For a discussion of this incident, see Axelbank, , Black Star Over Japan, p. 71Google Scholar.

61. For a non-Chinese Marxist view on the subject, see Halliday, Jon and McCormack, Gavan, Japanese Imperialism Today (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1973Google Scholar).

62. See “Transcript of Restoo interview with Chou,” in Ching, Frank (ed.), Report From Red China, pp. 93–4Google Scholar. For a similar report see “Interview with Premier Chou En-lai by the Committee of Concerned Asian Scholars Friendship Delegation to China,” in China: Inside the People's Republic (New York: Bantam Books, 1971), pp. 353–59Google Scholar.

63. See Yoshida, Shigeru, Japan's Decisive Century, 1867–1967 (New York: Praeger, 1967), p. 83Google Scholar.

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65. As late as June 1973 when China exploded her 15th nuclear device, the Japanese Government filed a formal protest with the Chinese Government. See “Government files N-blast protest in Peking,” Japan Times, 29 June 1973, p. 1.

66. “Premier says U.S. will accept PRG, Saigon, Hanoi,” Japan Times, 19 January 1973, p. 1.

67. Nakamura, Koji, “Introducing ‘positive’ defence,” FEER, No. 431 (21 10 1972), p. 15Google Scholar.

68. “4,630,000 million yen outlay nearly double last plan,” Japan Times, 10 October 1972, p. 1; “ Improvement of defense capabilities the object of five-year $15 billion defense budget,” Japan Report, No. 12 (16 06 1973), pp. 1–3Google Scholar.

69. For a recent discussion of this matter, De Roy, Swadesh R., “Prospects for militarism in Japan,” Pacific Community (Tokyo), No. 2 (01 1974), p. 289Google Scholar.

70. See Japan Times, 3 July 1974, p. 1.

71. For an interesting analysis of this subject, see Morton Kaplan, “Japan and the international system,” to be published in a forthcoming symposium volume.

72. Brzezinski, Zbigniew, “Japan's global engagement,” Foreign Affairs, No. 2 (01 1972), pp. 270 and 278–79CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

73. “U.S.S.R.-China rift said to be quieter,” Japan Times, 16 June 1973, p. 14. The Soviet Embassy in Washington denied this charge. See “Announcement to the press by the U.S.S.R. Embassy in the U.S.A.,” Pravda, 2 June 1973, p. 4, in “Reported Soviet threat to China denied,” Current Digest of the Soviet Press, No. 22 (27 06 1973), p. 4Google Scholar.

74. Before the Chinese made the charge, columnist, Jack Anderson, reported that during his May 1972 visit to Moscow President Nixon told the Soviet leader, Leonid Brezhnev, that “a war between China and Russia would be against the national interests of the United States “and would “threaten world peace.” See “China-Soviet peace kept by Nixon, Anderson says,” Japan Times, 28 May 1973, p. 4. Thus, the Chinese charge partly confirmed Anderson's account.

75. See “U.N.debate on disarmament: Chiao Kuan-hua explains Chinese Government's principled stand,” Peking Review, No. 49 (3 12 1971), p. 14Google Scholar.

76. For a Japanese analysis of China's nuclear policy, see Maeda, Hisashi, “Toward a non-nuclear northeast Asia,” Japan Interpreter, No. 1 (Winter 1973), p. 16Google Scholar.

77. See The Times (London), 15 12 1973, pp. 1 and 5Google Scholar.

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81. For a discussion of the matter, see Panofsky, Wolfgang K. H., “The mutual-hostage relationship between America and Russia,” Foreign Affairs, No. 1 (10 1973), p. 109CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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83. The text of the treaty (6 December 1957), is in Japanese Annual of Inter-national Law, No. 2 (1958), p. 173Google Scholar.

84. See Japan Economic Review, No. 3 (15 03 1972), p. 13Google Scholar; ibid. No. 3 (15 March 1973), p. 9; ibid. No. 3 (15 March 1974), p. 12.

85. See Nakamura, Koji, “China: ‘political’ deal,” FEER, No. 4 (29 01 1973), p. 33Google Scholar; “Sino-U.S. pincer,” ibid. No. 10 (12 March 1973), p. 20; “Remember the foe,” ibid. No. 14 (9 April 1973), p. 12.

86. “U.S.S.R. proposes cut in Siberia oil supply,” Japan Times, 7 September 1973, p. 12.

87. See editorial, “Oil-thirsty Japan,” ibid. 15 February 1973, p. 14.

88. See Brezhnev, Leonid I., “For strengthening the solidarity of Communists, for a new upswing in the anti-imperialist struggle” (speech to the International Conference of Communist and Workers' Parties in Moscow on 7 June 1969), in Pravda and Izvestia, 8 06 1969, pp. 1–4Google Scholar, translated in Current Digest of the Soviet Press, No. 23 (2 07 1969), p. 16Google Scholar.

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90. For a detailed analysis of the territorial problem, see Sugiyama, Shigeo, “Diplomatic relations between Japan and the Soviet Union with particular emphasis on territorial questions,” in Kim, Young C. (ed), Japan in World Politics, p. 21Google Scholar. See also “Tanaka, Brezhnev hold first round of summit talks,” Japan Times, 9 October 1973, p. 1; “Tanaka, Brezhnev talks deadlocked over Islands issue,” ibid. 10 October 1973, p. 1; “Territorial issue hangs on amity, premier says,” ibid. 12 October 1973, p. 1.

91. “Railway may replace Japan-Soviet oil pipeline,” Japan Times, 27 March 1974, p. 1; “Tyumen plan needs 3,000-Km. railway,” ibid. 29 03 1974, p. 12.

92. In ibid. 30 March 1974, p. 10; “Re Siberian projects,” Asahi Evening News editorial, 25 April 1974, p. 4; Nakamura, Koji, “Economic relations, towards a Siberian commitment,” FEER, No. 18 (6 05 1974), pp. 61–64Google Scholar.

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95. “Premier will send letters to U.S.S.R. on Siberia aid,” Japan Times, 26 April 1974, p. 1.

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98. “No need for Japan to go nuclear: Sato,” Japan Times, 1 May 1973, p. 1.

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102. Japan reached a general agreement with the United States to explore oil resources in third countries. See “Japan-U.S. joint communique, August 1, 1973,” (Washington D.C.: Department of State Publication 8740) (09 1973), p. 7Google Scholar.

103. Asahi Shimbun editorial, “Japan-Soviet projects,” Japan Times, 24 August, 1973, p. 14; “Soviet jets highlight Japan defense fears,” ibid. 19 February 1973, p. 2.

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112. For reference to Ch'ü Yuan's life, see Ch'ien, Szu-Ma, Shih chi (The Book of History), Vol. 8 (Peking: Chung-hua shu-chü, 1972), p. 2481Google Scholar. The traditional symbols in memory of that occasion are the rush-sword, the dragon boat race, and the taking of a “perfumed” bath and a medicated liquor drink. The Japanese have retained all but the dragon boat race, which was replaced by the carp banner.

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