¹ Most of these estimates were made without specific reference to China, although they coincide with the conclusion of one Chinese economist that “even after excluding the aged, the weak and the young, at least a quarter of the [Chinese] rural population (all able-bodied farmers) had no work to do. Even those who did have work, were busy for only 6 months or so a year.” (Mu-chiao, Hsueh, General Information on China's Rural Economy (Shanghai: 1947Google Scholar), as quoted in People's China, 12 16, 1956.)Google Scholar

² See Orleans, Leo A., “Birth Control: Reversal or Postponement?” in The China Quarterly, No. 3, 07–09, 1960.Google Scholar

³ Chiao-hsueh yü Yen-chiu (Teach and Study), 02 4, 1957.Google Scholar

⁴ One of the more pessimistic statements appeared in the People's Daily: “As a result of the great leap forward in industrial and agricultural production in 1958, there was a shortage of labour in the rural areas, which amounted to 100,000,000,000 man-days (calculated on the basis of productivity, work attendance and labour norms of 1957)” (People's Daily, 03 12, 1959).Google Scholar

⁵ “At present a male between 18 and 50 or a female between 18 and 45 is considered a full labourer. A male between 51 and 60 and a female between 46 and 55, or a youth, either male or female, between 17 and 18 is considered a half labourer” (Chi-hua Yü T'ung-chi [Planning and Statistics], No. 11, 08 23, 1959Google Scholar). Although this definition may not be strictly adhered to, some similar formula is probably used as a guide for calculating manpower reserves in the communes.

⁶ Hung-ch'i (Red Flag), No. 6, 03 16, 1960.Google Scholar

⁷ Peking Review, 10 18, 1960.Google Scholar

⁸ People's Daily, 04 9, 1960.Google Scholar

⁹ People's Daily, 04 11, 1960.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Relatively precise estimates of the size of the potential labour force may be derived from the age and sex structure of a country's population. Because detailed age-sex statistics were not published following the 1953 census-registration of China, nor since then, an estimate on this basis is impossible. The present statement refers to a model age and sex structure considered appropriate for China.

¹¹ Most reported figures fall within this range. For example: “Today women constitute 45 per cent, of the labour power in rural China” (New China News Agency [NCNA], 09 23, 1959).Google Scholar A 1958 sample survey of “228 typical co-operatives” comprising 76,749 households, showed that 43·3 per cent, of the total rural labour force are women (T'ung-chi Yen-chiu [Statistical Research], 08 23, 1958).Google Scholar

¹² Hsln Chien-she (New Construction), No. 6, 1957.Google Scholar

¹³ Chung-kuo Nung-pao (Chinese Agriculture), No. 5, 03 10, 1957.Google Scholar

¹⁴ “The terrain of our country is very complex: high mountains, plateaus and hills constitute 69 per cent, of our land, and only about 31 per cent, of it are plains and basins. In China there are many watered fields, the farming plots are small, and many areas in the south are filled with water systems” (Hsueh-hsi [Study], No. 1, 01 3, 1958Google Scholar). It must be added that the greatest proportion of tie 31 per cent, of relatively flat land is not suitable for cultivation.

¹⁵ Because during the drive for communalisation many state farms were incorporated into communes, their future role as agricultural production units was uncertain for some time. By 1960, however, a number of articles appeared which made it clear that, at least for the present, state farms will continue as independent units outside the commune system.

¹⁶ NCNA, 07 12, 1959.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Hsueh-hsi (Study), No. 1, 01 3, 1958.Google Scholar

¹⁸ NCNA, 03 17, 1960.Google Scholar

¹⁹ People's Daly, 04 11, 1960.Google Scholar

²⁰ Hung-ch'i (Red Flag), No. 4, 02 16, 1960.Google Scholar

²¹ For example, an article in a provincial newspaper proclaims the need to popularise such “advanced tools” as the “rope-drawn track plough” (Anhwei Jih-pao, 10 18, 1958Google Scholar, quoted by Union Research Service, Vol. 14, No. 5, January 16, 1959).

²² People's Daily, 09 11, 1958.Google Scholar

²³ NCNA, 02 18, 1959.Google Scholar

²⁴ NCNA, 03 3, 1959.Google Scholar

²⁵ Reported by the Minister of Water Conservancy and Electric Power in People's Daily, 04 10, 1960.Google Scholar Another source stated that nearly 30 million women participated in the construction of water conservation projects in 1959 (Hung-ch'i [Red Flag], No. 5, 03 1, 1960).Google Scholar

²⁶ Chung-kuo Nung-pao (Chinese Agriculture), No. 17, 09 8, 1959.Google Scholar Applying this percentage to the previously estimated rural labour force of 225 million, a figure of only 22-5 million is obtained.

²⁷ NCNA, 03 9, 1960.Google Scholar There have even been references to the effect that total land under cultivation should be decreased. Available statistics have not revealed such a trend.

²⁸ Peking Radio Home Service, March 12, 1959.

²⁹ People's Daily, 03 9, 1959.Google Scholar

³⁰ People's Daily, 11 12, 1958.Google Scholar

³¹ Hung-ch'i (Red Flag), No. 17, 09 1, 1960.Google Scholar

³² Ta Rung Pao, 05 4, 1960Google Scholar, from JPRS 3866, September 15, 1960. The same source admits that without heavy equipment and technically trained personnel commune-operated industries cannot attack big problems.

³³ Peking Review, 03 1, 1960.Google Scholar Excludes the additional millions who have participated in the construction of these industries.

³⁴ Hung-ch'i (Red Flag), No. 17, 09 1, 1960.Google Scholar

³⁵ People's Daily, 07 11, 1960.Google Scholar

³⁶ The survey covered 228 typical cooperatives throughout the country and was reported in T'ung-chi Yen-chiu (Statistical Study), 08 23, 1958.Google Scholar

³⁸ Hung-ch'i (Red Flag), No. 6, 03 16, 1960.Google Scholar

³⁹ In January 1961, Peking acknowledged that last year's farm production plan was not fulfilled. Although this failure was attributed to the worst weather in a century, it is suspected that man-made factors played a more important role in the crop deficiencies. In addition to the labour shortage, one of the most important factors responsible for the low efficiency of commune agriculture is the lack of incentive for the peasant. An attempt to reward individuals according to their need and not their worth resulted in an absence of motivation. Related is the apparent attitude of the peasants in communes that all their basic needs will be taken care of by the State. Thus, food production is no longer a matter of life or death for each peasant family. Recent revisions of the commune system are attempting to return incentive to farming.

³⁹ People's Daily, 07 27, 1960.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ People's Daily, 12 18, 1960.Google Scholar

⁴¹ NCNA, 07 27, 1960Google Scholar