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The Politics of Demobilized Soldiers from Liberation to Cultural Revolution

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 February 2009

Gordon White
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Extract

Demobilized soldiers have been widely regarded, by political analysts and politicians alike, as a distinctive political group of considerable importance. Politicians in a number of countries have been acutely aware of the ambiguous potential of ex-soldiers and have striven to mobilize them under their own colours. In several western countries, notably the United States, the United Kingdom and Australia, veterans' organizations have often been a powerful bulwark of conservatism, advocating the virile values of patriotism, sanctifying the status quo and supporting the political forces of the right. During the Vietnam War, on the other hand, the anti-war movement in the United States realized the political potential of Vietnam veterans and effectively mobilized a section of them in opposition to official war policy.

Type
Research Article
Information
The China Quarterly , Volume 82 , June 1980 , pp. 181 - 213
Copyright
Copyright © The China Quarterly 1980

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References

1. Pethybridge, Roger, The Social Prelude to Stalinism (London: Macmillan, 1974), pp. 118–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2. For the American Legion, see Bolte, Charles G., The New Veteran (New York: Reynal and Hitchcock, 1945)Google Scholar; for the British Legion, see Wootton, Graham, The Politics of Influence: British Ex-Servicemen, Cabinet Decisions and Cultural Change (1917–57) (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1963)Google Scholar.

3. For example, see “The glorious tasks of demobilized and transferred soldiers,” Renmin ribao {People's Daily) (Renmiri) editorial, 25 04 1955, translated in Survey of China Mainland Press (SCMP) (Hong Kong: U.S. Consulate General), No. 1044, pp. 29–32Google Scholar.

4. For example, see Ganmei, Chen, “Xing Nengxing, an armyman transferred back to the countryside,” Renmin, 28 08 1953Google Scholar; Zhuoshi, Yang, “Rural demobilized and transferred armymen should play the role of models in agricultural production and in the movement for mutual aid and co-operativization,” Renmin, 27 01 1954Google Scholar.

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7. For a Chinese text of the Draft Law, see Xinhua Yuebao (New China Monthly), No. 3 (1955), p. 21Google Scholar; for a translation of the final text, see “Military service law of the People's Republic of China,” NCNA (Beijing), 30 07 1955Google Scholar, in Current Background, Hong Kong: U.S. Consulate-General (CB), No. 344 (8 08 1955), pp. 4–11Google Scholar.

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9. Within this general category, there were certain semi-formal political distinctions which depended on the individual's “revolutionary history” (geming lishi). There were six basic categories, listed in descending order of political status: (1) Long March veterans; (2) anti-Japanese war veterans; (3) “Liberation struggle” veterans from the 1945–49 Civil War; (4) “new veterans” who were in fact “uprising personnel” (qiyi renyuan), who came over to the PLA from the Guomindang army; (5) Korean war volunteers; (6) ordinary conscripts under the new draft system: “The tragedy of the Chinese Communist ‘demobilized armymen’,” Hsiang-kang Shih-pao (Hong Kong Times), 21, 22 and 23 February 1957.

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14. The specific provisions of the demobilization programme will not be discussed in detail in this article. For such a discussion, see my Social Inequality and Distributive Politics in China, 1949–1969 (unpublished PhD. dissertation, Stanford University, 1977), Ch. 7Google Scholar.

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17. For an early post-Liberation example, see Ji, Zhen, “Honour the homes of the brave!” People's China, No. 4 (16 02 1952), pp. 19–20Google Scholar.

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29. Oksenberg, Michel, “Local leaders in rural China, 1962–65,” in Barnett, A. D. (ed.), Chinese Communist Politics in Action (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1969), pp. 163–64Google Scholar.

30. Ibid. p. 164.

31. For example, see Gan, Zhang, “Preserve the old tradition of the forces,” Gongren ribao (Workers' Daily), 26 10 1963Google Scholar; “Take the excellent work-style of the Liberation Army into production,” Renmin, 21 March 1964; Jinquan, Shi, “Two (different) battlefronts, the same work-style,” Da Gong Bao (Impartial News) (Beijing), 23 03 1964Google Scholar; “Union group leader Jiang Rongfan grasps ideology first in all matters,” Gongren ribao, 10 April 1964.

32. Cheng, (ed.), The Politics of the Chinese Red Army, p. 90Google Scholar.

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34. For example, see Rundian, Guo, Zhongguo qingnian (China Youth), 2 06 1964, p. 2Google Scholar, transl. in JPRS: Political and Sociological Translations on Communist China, No. 173 (25,323) (1 07 1964), p. 10Google Scholar.

35. For example, see “Maintain the excellent work-style of the Liberation Army to make achievements,” Da Gong Bao, 2 March 1964; for a general discussion of this process, see Joffe, Ellis, “The Chinese army under Iin Piao,” in Lindbeck, J. M. H. (ed.), China: Management of a Revolutionary Society (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1971), pp. 361–66Google Scholar.

36. “Xie Juezai's report to the conference of dependents of servicemen and to disabled and demobilized soldiers,” NCNA (Beijing), 5 11 1956Google Scholar, in SCMP, No. 1410 (14 11 1956), p. 7Google Scholar.

37. “Marshal Peng Dehuai's report to the conference of activists among servicemen's dependents and veterans,” NCNA (Beijing), 15 11 1956Google Scholar, in SCMP, No. 1420 (29 11 1956), pp. 6–9Google Scholar.

38. Liansheng, Zhang, “A heart to heart talk with demobilized soldiers,” Gongren ribao, 9 02 1957Google Scholar.

39. “Degenerate demobilized soldier in Shanghai poses as a Party member and plays tricks on women,” Xinwen ribao (News Daily) (Shanghai), 28 04 1957Google Scholar, in SCMP, No. 1556 (24 06 1957), pp. 26–27Google Scholar.

40. For example, see “Return home, do productive work and build a new socialist countryside,” Jiefang junbao (Liberation Army Daily), 24 January 1957, in SCMP, No. 1514 (23 04 1957), p. 19Google Scholar.

41. “Pay attention to fostering the role of transferred soldiers,” Zhejiang ribao (Zhejiang Daily), 25 May 1955.

42. Renmin editorial, 25 April 1955.

43. Ibid.

44. “State Council Resolution,” in SCMP, No. 1073, p. 9.

45. For one example of a physical clash between a group of veterans and police, see “Demobilized soldier Zhang Gongyu has already been arrested and committed for trial,” New Human News (Changsha), 16 January 1957.

46. For example, see Kung-shang ribao {Industrial and Commercial Daily) (Hong Kong), 28 08 1964Google Scholar which reports a disturbance in Fuzhou.

47. “Demobilized fighters struggle against the disturbance in Hanyang,” Wen Hui Bao (Shanghai), 16 08 1957Google Scholar; “Demobilized soldiers courageously and fearlessly counter-attack against the enemy,” Zhongguo qingnian bao, 17 August 1957.

48. “Fearless struggle with counter-revolutionary elements,” Changjiang ribao (Yangtze Daily), 5 October 1957.

49. For an example in Qinghai Province, see the article by Wenhui, Zuo, in Qinghai ribao (Qinghai Daily), 28 08 1957Google Scholar.

50. For example, see “Develop the glorious tradition, take a firm class stand, defend socialism,” Dazhong ribao (Great Masses Daily), Jinan, 28 09 1957Google Scholar.

51. “A termite inside the Communist Party, a degenerate scoundrel among g demobilized soldiers,” Shanxi ribao (Shanxi Daily), 27 August 1957.

52. “Sun Jinyuan incited demobilized soldiers to make trouble,” Liaoning ribao (Liaoning Daily), 9 September 1957.

53. “The Forestry Industry Bureau uncovers a reactionary clique,” Guizhou ribao (Guizhou Daily), 29 August 1957.

54. “Launch a political offensive and disintegrate reactionary organizations,” Renmin, 15 February 1967, in SCMP, No. 3889 (1 03 1967), p. 5Google Scholar; cf. Sargent, M., “The Cultural Revolution in Heilungkiang,” in Harvard East Asian Monographs, The Cultured Revolution in the Provinces, pp. 27–28Google Scholar.

55. See SCMP, No. 3872, pp. 1–2 for the clash with the PLA in Haerbin; SCMP, No. 3877, p. 6, for the label of “counter-revolutionary.”

56. “Two ‘Red Banner Army’ counter-revolutionary organizations unearthed in Shanghai,” Wen Hui Bao (Shanghai), 19 02 1967Google Scholar, in SCMP Supplement, No. 168 (17 03 1967), p. 28Google Scholar.

57. Wen Hui Bao (Shanghai), 19 02 1967Google Scholar, in SCMP Supplement, No. 168, p. 28.

58. Hunter, Neale, Shanghai Journal (New York: Praeger, 1969), pp. 229 and 266Google Scholar.

59. SCMP, No. 4099 (15 01 1968), p. 7Google Scholar. Organizations of ex-soldiers were also established in Guizhou (The “Red Guard Army”) and Nanchang, Jiangxi Province (the “August 1st Combat Corps”): see “The role of the militia in the Cultural Revolution,” Union Research Service (Hong Kong), Vol. 47, No. 13. I have been unable to identify their goals and political orientation, although the latter may be an offshoot of its Cantonese namesake.

60. Much of this information on the Corps can be gleaned from the material translated in “The case of the ‘August 1’ Combat Corps in Canton,” Union Research Service Vol. 49, No. 21, 12 12 1967Google Scholar.

61. Guangdong Provincial Military District of the Chinese PLA, “Supreme Directive,” 1 March 1967, in SCMP, No. 3905, 23 03 1967, pp. 1–4Google Scholar.

62. This concern is apparent in the literature attacking ex-soldier organizations. Take the following analysis of the “Red Banner Army” in Shanghai: “It is an organization with demobilized servicemen as its main body. Because of this, it is absolutely different from mass organizations in general. In essence, it is an armed force. If this organization cannot be placed under the absolute leadership of the Party and turned into a docile instrument of the Party, and if it is utilized by bad elements, it would mean an immense threat to the proletarian dictatorship in our country.” Taken from “With power and to spare, pursue the fleeing enemy – some suggestions on the present situation in Shanghai,” Hongse zao fan bao (Red Rebel News) (Shanghai), 28 02 1967Google Scholar, in SCMP Supplement, 11 May 1967, p. 7.

63. “The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution – a record of major events,” February 1967, transl. in JPRS: Political and Sociological Translations, No. 420 (42, 349), 25 08 1967, p. 61Google Scholar.

64. Hunter, , Shanghai Journal, p. 229Google Scholar.

65. Ibid. p. 266.

66. “Can I return to the forces to work?”, Union Research Institute files (origin unclear), 29 April 1964.

67. “How can the ‘Dongshan Division’ of the August 1 Combat Corps be a Counter-revolutionary organization?”, Hongse baodong (Red Riot) (Guangzhou) 8 07 1967Google Scholar, in SCMP, No. 4029, 27 09 1967, p. 9Google Scholar.

68. “Drag Tian Ming into the dock,” Dongfeng zhanbao (East Wind Combat News), No. 19 (19 02 1968)Google Scholar, in SCMP, No. 4143, 21 03 1968, p. 9Google Scholar.

69. For example, see Shanghai City Radio, 4 03 1979, “Demobilized soldiers urged to leave Shanghai,” in FBIS, 5 March 1979Google Scholar; Biannic, G., Agence France Press (Paris), 8 05 1979Google Scholar, in FBIS, 9 May 1979.