² National Broadcasting System television interview programme “Meet the Press,” originating in New York City, September 18, 1966.

³ The Manila Times, September 28, 1965.

⁴ Ibid.

⁵ See “Tan Malaka's Manila Memoirs,” Solidarity (Manila), 01–03 1966, pp. 15–22Google ScholarPubMed. There is no comprehensive, up-to-date book-length account of Philippine communism. Useful background data are found in Hoeksema, Renze L., Communism in the Philippines: a Historical and Analytical Study of Communism and the Communist Party in the Philippines and its Relations to Communist Movements Abroad (unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Department of Government, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass., 1956)Google Scholar; Araneta, Antonio S. Jr, The Communist Party of the Philippines and the Comintern, 1919 to 1930 (unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Oxford University, 1966)Google Scholar; Supreme Court of the Philippines, Term-1933,Crisanto Evangelista, et al., versus the People of the Philippine Islands. On Petition for Writ of Certiorari to the Supreme Court of the Philippine Islands (Manila, 1933)Google Scholar; Republic of the Philippines, House of Representatives, Committee on Un-Filipino Activities, Communism in the Philippines (Manila, 1952)Google Scholar . To its cadres the PKP has provided a brief historical sketch byLava, José, Milestones in the History of the Communist Party of the Philippines (Manila, 1951)Google Scholar. For early lmprecorr analyses and Huk materials in part I of this essay I have also drawn on an unpublished collection of documents on Philippine communism compiled by Mr. Gene Z. Hanrahan.

⁶ Carpio, S., “First Congress of the Communist Party of the Philippines,” Impreccrr, 06 25, 1931, pp. 603–604Google Scholar, citing the manifesto of the PKP.

⁷ Ryan, Tim, “The Revolutionary Upsurge in the Philippines,” Imprecorr, 03 12, 1931, pp. 272–273Google Scholar.

⁸ Carpio, S., “The Situation in the Philippines and the Tasks of the CPPI,” lmprecorr 11 17, 1932, pp. 1111Google Scholar.

⁹ Constitution of the Communist Party of the Philippine Islands (Manila, 1938), pp. 3–5Google Scholar (preamble).

¹⁰ Weightman, George, The Chinese Community in the Philippines (unpublished M.A Thesis, University of the Philippines, 1952), p. 139Google Scholar.

¹¹ It is a moot point whether this increased communist ideologising was favoured by all Huk leaders. For example, Luis Taruc told me on June 22, 1966, during an interview in Philippine Constabulary Headquarters, Camp Crame, Quezon City, near which Taruc has been imprisoned, that he felt “betrayed” by “communist propagandists” in the Huk organisation who allegedly had pushed the Huk movement from its truly “national Philippine” purposes.

¹² See generally, Crisologo, Fortunato L., The Present Educational Practices of the Huks (unpublished M.Ed. Thesis, University of the Philippines, 1953)Google Scholar.

¹³ See, e.g., the remarkable unsigned document, originally published in Manila in 1946, entitled “The Peasant War in the Philippines. A Study of the Causes of Social Unrest in the Philippines—an Analysis of Philippine Political Economy,” reprinted in Philippine Social Sciences and Humanities Review, XXIII, nos. 2–4, 1958, pp. 373–436Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Useful insights into Philippine communist ideology based on documentary evidence during this period are provided in Crisol, José, “Communist Propaganda in the Philippines,” Philippine Studies, I, Nos. 3–4, 1953, pp. 208–212Google Scholar, and Republic of the Philippines, Court of the 1st Instance of Manila, Branch V, People of the Philippines versus José Lava, et al., May 1951 (Manila, 1951)Google Scholar. Crisol, a top Philippine Defence Department official, became Maysaysay's psychological warfare expert against the Huks. José Lava was the PKP's principal Politburo figure who fell into government hands in 1950.

¹⁵ See, e.g., Scaff, Alvin H., The Philippine Answer to Communism (California: Stanford Un. Press, 1955Google Scholar.)

¹⁶ Republic of the Philippines, House of Representatives, Report on Red Threat (Manila: Committee on Anti-Filipino Activities, 1957), p. 1Google Scholar.

¹⁷ On the PKP's general rationale of this tactic, see especiallySabelino, Conrado S., A Study of the Legal (or Parliamentary) Struggle of the Communist Movement in the Philippines (Unpublished M.A. Thesis, University of the Philippines, 1958)Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Appleton, Sheldon, “Communism and the Chinese in the Philippines,” Pacific Affairs, XXXII, 1959, p. 381Google Scholar, andRepublic of the Philippines, House of Representatives, Report on Red Threat, op. cit., p. 37Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Alip, Eufronio M., “Filipinos Ponder on the Chinese Problem,” p. 251Google Scholar, inLiao, Shubert S. C., Chinese Participation in Philippine Culture and Economy (1964)Google Scholar.

²⁰ Purcell, Victor, The Chinese in Southeast Asia (London, New York, Toronto: Oxford Un. Press, 1951), p. 573Google Scholar.

²¹ Hartendorp, A. V., History of Industry and Trade of the Philippines—the Magsaysay Administration (Manila: 1961), pp. 201et seq.Google Scholar, cited in Liao, Shubert S. C., op. dt., pp. 268–269Google Scholar.

²² See, e.g., Tutay, Filemon V., “Solution to the Chinese Problem,” Philippines Free Press, 04 5, 1958, p. 9Google Scholar.

²³ Manila Bulleton, June 4, 1966.

²⁴ The Philippines Herald, June 5, 1966, and The Saturday Chronicle, June 18, 1966.

²⁵ The Philippines Herald, June 23, 1966.

²⁶ Manila Bulletin, June 10, 1966.

²⁷ Ibid., June 19, 1966, and The Manila Times, June 14, 1966.

²⁸ A Philippine Peso is worth approximately 1s. 4d.

²⁹ On the role of marriage in Chinese assimilation and some of its legal problems see Reynolds, Harriet, “Marriage as a Focal Point in Cultural Orientation of Chinese Adults and Children in Ilocos,” Philippine Sociological Review XIII, 1965, pp. 249–259Google Scholar, and Juco, Jorge M., “Some Legal Aspects of Chinese Marriage in the Philippines,” Philippine Sociological Review, XIV, 1966, pp. 57–58Google Scholar. The turning in on itself of the Chinese community, despite extensive intermarriage, stands in rather sharp contrast to the degree with which Chinese were assimilated in the Philippines before the second half of the 19th century. See, e.g., Wickberg, Edgar, The Chinese in Philippine Life 1850–1898 (New Haven, London: Yale Un. Press, 1965)Google Scholar.

³⁰ Locsin, Teodoro in Philippines Free Press, 07 12, 1952Google Scholar, cited in Liao, Shubert S. C., op. cit., p. 264Google Scholar.

³¹ See Appendix C, table I, in Liao, Shubert S. C., op. cit., p. 432Google Scholar.

³² Ibid, and Appendix C, tables II and IV, pp. 435, 437.

³³ See Constitution of the Philippines, article 13, sections 1 and 5, and article 14, section 8, in Zaide, Gregorio F., Government of the Filipino People, 3rd ed. (Manila: Modern Book Co., 1964), pp. 270, 272Google Scholar.

³⁴ Appleton, Sheldon, op. cit., pp. 384–385Google Scholar.

³⁵ For a perceptive background analysis of this and similar measures see Agpalo, Remigio E., The Political Process and the Nationalization of the Retail Trade in the Philippines (University of the Philippines, Office of the Co-ordinator of Research, Diliman, Q.C., 1962)Google Scholar.

³⁶ Unemployment and underemployment undoubtedly are major factors behind the political radicalism of Peking-oriented Chinese youths in Sarawak. See Kroef, Justus M. van der, “Chinese Communism and Communalism in Sarawak,” The China Quarterly, No. 20 (11–12 1964), pp. 38–66CrossRefGoogle Scholar. This is not to say that there is no problem of unemployment, particularly for the educated, in the Philippines. To the contrary, it has been estimated that of the 300,000 students who graduate annually from Philippine universities and colleges, only around 17 per cent, are able to secure employment commensurate with their training (Rodrigues, José, “Our Idle Millions, A Potential Powderkeg,” Weekly Graphic, Manila, 07 13, 1966, p. 22)Google Scholar. Most estimates put the total number of unemployed at over 2 million, the number of underemployed at an additional 3 million out of a total working force of about 15 million. Even so, it would appear that compared to his native Philippino counterpart, the young Philippino Chinese, by virtue of the Chinese group's financial resources and/or family and commercial connections, also abroad, is on the whole much better off in finding suitable employment or funds and opportunities for travel and further study.

³⁷ José M. Hernandez, “Chinese Schools and Communism in the Philippines,” in Liao, Shubert S. C., op. cit., p. 338Google Scholar.

³⁸ Republic of the Philippines, Report on Red Threat, op. cit., pp. 37, 53–55Google Scholar.

³⁹ Such infiltration was, for example, prescribed in a document entitled “Political Transmission 19,” which fell into government hands at the time Dr. Lava was captured in May 1964. See Manila Bulletin, May 26, 1964.

⁴⁰ Interview with Dr. Jesus Lava in Philippine Constabularly Headquarters, Camp Crame, Quezon City, June 22, 1966.

⁴¹ For example, Rama, Napoleon G. in Philippines Free Press, 06 4, 1966, p. 68Google Scholar, and June 18, 1966, p. 79:

“The most significant, the most rewarding feat of the Communist leaders in China is that they have succeeded in identifying themselves with the people. The people follow them because they are convinced that their leaders have their interests at heart.

“ Progress in China has fortified the people's faith in their leaders. Nothing succeeds like success.

“Having established credibility, achieved rapport with the people and given some proof of their ability to make the country move forward, the Chinese leaders have overcome the major hazards of governing. There is now little difficulty in making the people toe the line. …”

“ …A Filipino traveller in China must say, in truth, that if Filipino government officials were half as dedicated, half as honest and half as patriotic as the Chinese Communist leaders, this country (i.e., the Philippines) will be great again in no time. As it is. …”

⁴² Charter of the Asian People's Anti-Communist League (Taipei: Republic of China Chapter, 1965), p. 3Google Scholar (article 2, sections a and c).

⁴³ Informational folder on APACL, published by its Republic of China chapter, 1965. See also A Collection of Declarations and Important Resolutions of the APACL Conferences 1954–1963 (Taipei: Tenth APACL Conference, 1964)Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Kroef, Justus M. van der, “The Sino-Indonesian Partnership,” Orbis, Summer, 1964, pp. 332–356Google Scholar, and “Indonesian Communism's Expansionist Role in Southeast Asia,” International Journal, XX. 1965, pp. 189–205Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ See, e.g., Sutter, John O., “Two Faces of Konfrontasi: ‘Crush Malaysia’ and the Gestapu,” Asian Survey, 10 1966, p. 532Google Scholar, and note 13.

⁴⁶ See Tutay, Filemon V., “The Indonesian Problem,” Philippines Free Press, 02 27, 1965, pp. 4, 78, 80, 82Google Scholar, and Ronquilo, Bernardino, “Backdoor Entry,” Far Eastern Economic Review, 04 1, 1965, pp. 10–11Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Ganzon, Senator Rodolfo, “Indonesia and the Philippines,” Philippines Free Press, 04 3, 1965, p. 60Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ The Sunday Times (Manila), 10 4, 1964Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Manila Bulletin, May 26, 1964, and The Manila Times, May 26, 1964.

⁵⁰ The Manila Times, February 13, 1965, and Manila Bulletin, May 31, 1965.

⁵¹ Villadolid, Oscar S., “Sukarno makes trouble in the Philippines,” The Reporter, 08 12, 1965, p. 23Google Scholar.

⁵² “It is widely accepted in high official circles in Manila that the Indonesians have been active in sponsoring anti-American and leftist agitation here. Considerable sums of Indonesian money are believed to have been paid Filipinos serving Jakarta's aims.” The New York Times, January 8, 1965.

⁵³ Manila Bulletin, May 31, 1965.

⁵⁴ Baperki stands for Badan Permusjawaratan Kewarganegaraan Indonesia or “Consultative Body for Indonesian Citizenship.” Founded in 1954 it soon became a channel of influence for the PKI which used it to acquire funds from the Indonesian Chinese business community and later also from Peking. It was dissolved in the aftermath of the unsuccessful communist coup of September 30, 1965. Useful insights into Baperki's activity and appeals are afforded by Somers, Mary F., Peranakan Chinese Politics in Indonesia (Ithaca, N.Y.: Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University, 1964), esp. pp. 11, 17–20, 23, 34, 37–43, 54, 55Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ The Philippines Herald, March 29, 1966.

⁵⁶ There seems little doubt that at least some of this trained agitational leadership came initially from Indonesia. For example, in March 1965, Philippine authorities arrested and eventually deported one Iljas Bakri, a 39-year old Indonesian “student,” who had been active in anti-U.S. demonstrations in Manila and who was subsequently identified by Philippine armed forces intelligence as a PKI cadre. Two knowledgeable students at the University of the Philippines, who had participated in some of these anti-U.S. demonstrations but later had had a change of heart, informed me in mid-1966 that Iljas had held extensive “strategy” sessions with Philippine student agitators and was in fact believed to be a kind of “paymaster” of the Indonesian embassy for the Philippine radical left.

⁵⁷ See the address by Representative Caram, Fermin Z., “Communism: Shadow on the National Soul,” Republic of the Philippines, House of Representatives, 6th Congress, Congressional Record, 05 13, 1966Google Scholar, and The Philippines Herald, May 15, 1966. In the analysis of the LM, the Kabataang Makabayan, and the Huk resurgence in the next few paragraphs, I have also drawn on my “Communist Fronts in the Philippines,” Problems of Communism, March-April 1967, pp. 65–75.

⁵⁸ “The Lapiang Manggagawa Platform,” Progressive Review (Manila), 05–06 1963, pp. 58–63Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ Maravilla, Jorge, “Upsurge of the Anti-Imperialist Movement in the Philippines,” World Marxist Review, VIII, no. 11, 1965, p. 44Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ Weekly Graphic (Manila), 06 22, 1966, p. 7Google Scholar.

⁶¹ See, e.g., the editorial “Towards a Broad National Front,” Progressive Review, January–February, 1965, pp. 1–3. See also , José M. Sison, Ang Nasyonalismo at Ang Kilusang Manggagawa (Manila: Union de Impresores de Filipinas, 1966)Google Scholar.

⁶² Educational Department, Makabayan, Kabataang, Why We Oppose The Vietnam Bill (1966), pp. 3, 4–7Google Scholar.

⁶³ The Manila Times, March 26, 1966, and Manila Bulletin, May 15, 1966.

⁶⁴ Interview with Luis Taruc, in Philippine Constabulary Headquarters, Camp Crame, Quezon City, June 22, 1966.

⁶⁵ Manila, Quijano de, “The Hard Huk Heart,” Philippines Free Press, 08 6, 1966, p. 42Google Scholar. See also The Manila Chronicle, June 27, 1966.

⁶⁶ The Philippines Herald, June 9, 1966.

⁶⁷ Tutay, Filemon V., “Marked for Liquidation,” Philippines Free Press, 01 23, 1965, p. 3Google Scholar. See also the same author's “By Huk or Crook,” Philippines Free Press, November 6, 1965, p. 10.

⁶⁸ Kiunisala, Edward R., “Crossfire and Co-existence,” Philippines Free Press, 08 6, 1966, p. 3Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ The Manila Times, June 4, 1966.

⁷⁰ Mata, Nestor, “Troubadours of Peking's Line,” The Philippines Herald, 06 7, 1966Google Scholar.

⁷¹ See note 3 above, and The Philippines Herald, March 29, 1966.

⁷² See, e.g., Salita, Domingo C., Land Use in the Province of Pampanga (unpublished M.S. Thesis, Graduate School, University of the Philippines, 1958)Google Scholar; Nemenzo, Francisco Jr, The Land for the Landless Program of the Philippine Government (unpublished Master of Public Administration Thesis, Graduate School, University of the Philippines, 1959), esp. p. 206Google Scholar; Jacoby, Erich H., Agrarian Unrest in Southeast Asia (London: Asia Publishing House, 1961), pp. 191–233Google Scholar; Rama, Napoleon G., “Who Are Sabotaging the Land Reform Program,” Philippines Free Press, 07 9, 1966, pp. 3, 68, 69Google Scholar, de Vera, Julian U., “Something Wrong with Land Reform,” The Examiner (Manila), 06 26, 1966, pp. 2, 30Google Scholar; Aquino, Benigno, “A Critique of the Land Reform Program,” Solidarity, 1, no. 2 (04–06 1966), pp. 72–81Google Scholar; and Tupas, Rodolfo G., “A Land Crying for Change,” The Sunday Times Magazine (Manila), 07 10, 1966, p. 21Google Scholar. In 1948 the incidence of farm tenancy in Pampanga province was 87·99 per cent.; in May 1960, 85·17 per cent.; in March 1966, estimated at 85·2 per cent. Data supplied by Chamber of Agriculture of the Philippines, Manila.

⁷³ Representative of this non-communist appreciation of the Huks is, for example, José, F. Sionil, “What's Right with the Huks,” Solidarity, 04–06, 1966, pp. 1, 2Google Scholar, 122. José is a well-known Philippino novelist and editor.

⁷⁴ On October 20, 1966, The Manila Bulletin reported that Huks were planning to use anti-Johnson and anti-Vietnam rallies staged by youth groups to assassinate President Johnson during his visit to Manila.

⁷⁵ , José M. Crisol, “A Huk Resurgence?” The Examiner, 07 17, 1966, p. 14Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ The Manila Times, July 18, 1966.

⁷⁷ Llacar, Perfecto E., “How True Are Our Newsmen's Reports About Red China?” The Weekly Nation (Manila), 06 13, 1966, p. 6Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Editorial, “How to Love your Country,” Philippines Free Press, 07 2, 1966, p. 8Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Philippines Free Press, February 4, 1967, p. 1.

⁸⁰ The Djakarta Times, October 22, 1966.