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Patterns of China's Regional Development Strategy*
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 12 February 2009
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The purpose of this article is to compare and contrast China's approaches to regional industrial development in the Maoist and post-Mao periods. By focusing on patterns of investment and regional shares of gross value of industrial output (GVIO), this article will argue that China's regional industrialization strategy has changed to one of uneven regional growth in the post-Mao period from the Maoist emphasis on eradicating regional industrial disparities through interior–orientated investments. In short, the post-Mao Chinese leadership has not only relaxed its Incantation of the Golden Hoop, or strait-jacket on the coastal region but has come to rely on the coastal region to provide the “engine of growth” for China's economic development.
For the sake of simplicity, I will call the development strategy of the 1953–78 period the “Maoist development strategy.” Though it varied in degrees in different sub-periods, the Maoist strategy dominated China's industrialization efforts until it gradually faded out in the late 1970s. It relied on heavily redistributive measures in an attempt to equalize regional economic development, emphasized- Extensive rather than intensive modes of economic growth, and allowed no foreign direct investment in China.
In contrast, the post-Mao Chinese leadership has gradually, but decidedly, reversed the Maoist model and come to adopt a new development strategy. This new strategy, which, for lack of a better term, I shall call the “uneven development strategy,” represents another attempt to bring China out of economic backwardness. Focusing on economic results, the new strategy emphasizes regional comparative advantage, accepts regional disparities as inevitable, encourages foreign investment and international interaction, and seeks to foster technological innovation.
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References
1 In the classic Chinese novel Journey to the West, the monk uses the Incantation of the Golden Hoop to control the Monkey King, or Sun Wukong.
2 The Sixth Five-Year Plan of the People's Republic of China for Economic and Social Development (1981–1985) (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1984), see esp. Chs 20–21 of Pt III. Zhonghua renmin gongheguo guomin jingji he shehui fazhan diqige wunian jihua (1986–1990) (The Seventh Five-Year Plan of the People's Republic of China for Economic and Social Development (1986–1990) (Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1986), see esp. Chs 16–18, 20 of Pt III.
3 Owing to space limitation, I will not try to compare in detail the three regions with the widely known and widely used six political–administrative regions (North-east, North, East, Central South, South-west, North-west). It suffices to say that, while the division of the country into six regions was mainly based on political, military, and administrative considerations, the three-region scheme is almost entirely based on economic and geographic considerations. For a chronology of the changes in China's administrative divisions (1949–1980), see Paine, Suzanne, “Spatial aspects of Chinese development: issues, outcomes and politics 1949–79,” The Journal of Development Studies, Vol. 17, No. 2 (January 1981), pp. 193–94.CrossRefGoogle Scholar It must also be pointed out that there exist different regional classifications for China. I have simply adopted the one promulgated in The Seventh Plan, p. 91.
4 I use the word “province” to denote any one of the provincial-level administrative units, including: provinces, centrally administered municipalities, and autonomous regions.
5 An incomplete list of major industrial cities in the coastal region would include Beijing, Tianjin, Shanghai, Dalian, Anshan, Fushun, Shenyang, Qingdao, Jinan, Nanjing, Hangzhou, Fuzhou, Guangzhou.
6 Since amounts in constant prices are not always available, most of the tables in this article use shares of the total in order to eliminate the price factor. Owing to rounding, figures may not always add up exactly to their totals.
7 The Seventh Five-Year Plan, p. 91.
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34 The Seventh Five-Year Plan, p. 95.
35 Ibid. p. 98.
36 These cities are: Dalian, Qinhuangdao, Tianjin, Yantai, Qingdao, Lianyungang, Nantong, Shanghai, Ningbo, Wenzhou, Fuzhou, Guangzhou, Zhanjiang, Beihai.
37 Zhongguo Xinwen She, 4 April 1988, in FBIS-CHI-88–066, 6 April 1988, p. 44.
38 Waiwen Chubanshe Zhongguo Qingkuang Bianjishi, Zhongguo gailan (China Survey) (Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1987), pp. 294–99.
39 Chen Junsheng, “Sum up new experiences, reform the work of helping poor areas–two questions concerning the economic development of poor areas in nine southern provinces and regions,” Renmin ribao (People's Daily), 14 November 1987, p. 5; in FBIS-CHI-87–224, 20 November 1987, p. 26–32.
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46 Zhao Ziyang, “Kaifa Xinjiang, kaifa daxibei, shi zhongyang de zhongyao zhanlue shexiang” (“Developing Xinjiang and the great north-west is an important, strategic tentative plan of the centre”), in Tian Fang and Lin Fatang (eds.), Rational Distribution of China's Productive Forces, p. 18.
47 Qingyu Shao, ”The issues in regional planning in China,” p. 107.
48 Zhibo, Sun, “Diqu jingji jishu xiezuo de jige wenti (“Several questions relating to regional economic and technical co-operation”), Nankai jingji yanjiu (Nankai University Economic Research), No. 2 (1985), pp. 26–30;Google ScholarHongmao, Guo, “Diqu jingji jishu xiezuo shi yiujihua jingji teyou de yunxing jizhi (“Regional economic and technical co-operation is a special operating mechanism of a planned commodity economy”) Nankai jingji yanjiu, No. 1 (1986), pp. 12–16.Google Scholar
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51 Beijing Review carried the following statistics, which are even more in keeping with the trend I have identified:
The statistics are from Beijing Review, No. 49 (8 December 1986), pp. 21-24; in Scherer, John L.(ed.), China: Facts and Figures Annual (Academic International Press, 1988), p. 134.Google Scholar
52 One is hard put to fully explain the decline in coastal share of GVIO in 1982–83 because of the lack of data for the pre-1981 period. However, a large proportion of the decline might be attributed to the centre's efforts to curb investment and restrain demand in the early 1980s. As a result, the national GVIO annual increase (based on 1970 prices) was as follows:
As Carl Riskin points out, gross industrial output grew more slowly in the early 1980s than the 11.4% per year for 1952–78 or the 9.4% per year for 1965–78. This low growth period can be regarded as a kind of engineered mini-recession. As a result, the more developed area, i.e., the coastal region, suffered more than the less developed areas.
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59 On this point, I cannot agree with part of the argument contained in a seminal article by Susan Shirk. She groups the inland provinces, heavy industry and the central bureaucracy into a “communist [read anti-reform] coalition,” and the coastal provinces, light industry and local officialdom into a reform coalition. She presumably would have trouble classifying Shanghai: a coastal provincial government, with a concentration of both heavy and light industries. Susan Shirk, “The politics of industrial reform,” in Perry and Wong (eds.)The Political Economy of Reform in PostMao China, pp. 195–221.
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70 Chen Junsheng, “Sum up new experiences,” pp. 27–28.
71 Dongfang, Xiang, “A strategic option for political structural reform in economically underdeveloped areas,” Guangming ribao (Guangming Daily), 29 August 1988, p. 3Google Scholar; in FBIS-CHI-88–184, 22 September 1988, p. 56.
72 Ibid.
73 Xiaoqiang, Wang and Nanfeng, Bai, Furao de pinkun (Plenty of poverty) (Chengdu: Sichuan renmin chubanshe, 1986), p. 101.Google Scholar
74 The Holy Bible, New International Version (New Jersey: International Bible Society, 1984), Matthew, Ch. 25: Verse 29.
75 This is in accordance with positions of many theorists, one of the most prominent of them is W. Arthur Lewis, The Evolution of the International Economic Order (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), Ch. 10.
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