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Invisible Inequalities: The Status of Subei People in Contemporary Shanghai

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  12 February 2009

Extract

The way in which to analyse and subsequently eliminate the vast inequalities that structured Chinese society was a major concern of Communist Party officials when they took power in 1949. During the 1950s and 1960s a number of political campaigns were launched which sought to reduce class differences as well as to eradicate the discriminatory practices of the Han Chinese towards peoples identified as national minorities, such as Tibetans and Uighurs. The successes and failures of these campaigns have been the subject of numerous studies by western scholars, who have described and attempted to analyse the persistence of social inequality in the decades since 1949. Yet the analyses of Chinese officials and western scholars alike, focusing on class and ethnicity, have overlooked a form of inequality that is perhaps most basic to China's largest urban centre, Shanghai, namely that based on native-place identification.

Throughout the 20th century, social inequality, discriminatory practices and popular prejudice in Shanghai have been largely based on or correlate to a distinction between people of different local origins. Sometimes local origins have coincided with class, as people from one district tended to dominate the elite while natives of another area constituted the majority of the poor. But often native-place identity has itself been the basis of prejudice and inequality. This pattern has persisted in the decades since 1949, not because government campaigns attacked the problem and failed, but rather because the problem has largely been ignored, neither fitting the officially recognized categories of class nor of ethnicity.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The China Quarterly 1990

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References

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8 See, e.g., Shen bao (The Huangpu Daily), 6 April 1932; 7 April 1932; 13 April 1932; 19 April 1932; and 11 May 1932.

9 Zhang Yuanjun, “Subei qiang Shanghaihuade yuyin tezheng” (“The particular nature of Subei-accented Shanghai dialect”), Wuyu lun cong (Collected Essays on Wu Dialect) (Shanghai: Shanghai jiaoyu chubanshe, forthcoming).

10 See, e.g., Shanghaishi shanghui (ed.), Shanghai geye gonghui lilingshi minglu (Directory of Board Members of Business Federations of Each Enterprise in Shanghai) (Shanghai: n.d.). Of the approximately 2,500 individuals listed in this commercial directory, published in the 1940s, only 175 were from Subei.

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13 Wu Liangrong, “Analysis of social mobility,” p. 183.

14 Ibid.

15 Chinese sociologists commonly cite the ding ti policy of the late 1970s to explain the persisting patterns. Through this policy educated youth who had been sent to the countryside during the Cultural Revolution could return to Shanghai if one parent retired. The child would then be assigned to that parent's work unit. This, however, does not explain the employment patterns of the 1950s, 1960s, and most of the 1970s.

16 Some joint enterprises have been accused of refusing to hire Subei ren. Interview with Xu Ping (reporter for Haitan), 1 September 1988.

17 Wu Liangrong, “An analysis of social mobility,” p. 185. This finding is corroborated in Chen Zhongya et al, “Investigation of discrimination,” p. 25.

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19 Interview with Xu Ping (reporter for Haitan), 1 September 1988.

20 Examining the number of “key schools” relative to the population of each district would be one potential index of structural discrimination. Even this, however, is problematic, as scattered evidence suggests that the existence of a key school in a Subei neighbourhood does not guarantee the admission of Subei ren. For example, only 13.4% of the students graduating in 1981 from the Fudan University Middle School were of Subei origins, even though this is a key school that serves the Yangpu district, where a large number of Subei people live. See Chen Zhongya et al, “Investigation of discrimination”, p. 25. Two key-point middle schools serve the more than 20,000 people who reside in the working-class district of Pudong (across the Huangpu River from downtown Shanghai), yet many of the slots are taken by children from other districts who “commute” to Pudong. Interview with Shouyuan, Zhu, Union head, Shanghai Harbour Coal Handling Co., 1 September 1988.Google Scholar

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25 Cheng Naishan, “Poor Street,” p. 5.

26 Chen Zhongya et al, “Investigation of discrimination,” p. 25.

27 The continued use of the expression “Jiangbei villages“ in reference to these districts is documented in Wang Hongguang, (“A report from the ‘lower quarters’ of Shanghai”), p. 56.

28 Interview with members of the New Fourth Army Research Institute, Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences, 13 November 1987.

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50 Han Hufeng.

51 Interview with workers at Jing'an district sanitation bureau, 18 November 1986.

52 Interview with He Zhenghua, 12 November 1986.

53 Interview with Dongrun, Zhu, professor, Department of Chinese Language and Literature, Fudan University, in “Zheshi jianli xinxing shehui guanxi de bianjiaoshi: guanyu qishi Subeirende caifang jiyao” (“This is an obstacle to the establishment of a new form of social relations: record of interviews regarding discrimination against Subei people”), Shehu kexue (Social Sciences) (1983), p. 27.Google Scholar

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55 Xiaoming, Peng, “Shanghaihua yu Subeihua (“Shanghai dialect and Subei dialect”), Xinmin wanbao, 2 August 1985.Google Scholar