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The Hungarian Revolution and the Hundred Flowers Campaign*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 February 2009

János Rádvanyi
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Extract

In the years 1955–56, when it had already become evident that the star of the Stalinist Rákosi-Gerö clique was on the wane in Hungary, Ho Te-ch'ing was the Chinese Ambassador in Budapest. It soon became apparent that he was quietly establishing connexions with the opposition. Not only did he have free access to the highest Party circles and maintained regular contact with the Foreign Ministry (as could be expected of a Party and state representative) but the Chinese Embassy sponsored an extensive intelligence apparatus and was generally regarded as the best informed foreign post in the Hungarian capital. The Cultural Attaché, who spoke Hungarian fluently, maintained contact with Hungarian intellectuals. At the same time, correspondents of the New China News Agency and the Chinese exchange students in Budapest reported to the Ambassador on the activities of the revolutionary Petöfi Circle and the universities. The Ambassador himself travelled widely in the country, becoming acquainted with the local Party secretaries, councilmen and other leaders in the towns and villages. He was also prominent in the social life of the Hungarian capital; his two cooks and staff providing a lavish Oriental touch. While the Soviet Embassy invited Hungarian Stakhanovists (elite workers) to its receptions, Ho was more interested in entertaining leading writers, artists, economists and newspapermen, even those who were not outspoken supporters of the regime.

Type
Research Article
Information
The China Quarterly , Volume 43 , September 1970 , pp. 121 - 129
Copyright
Copyright © The China Quarterly 1970

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References

1 A copy of Imre Nagy's original mimeographed document was smuggled out of Hungary in the spring of 1957 and published in New York. Imre, Nagy, On Communism, In Defense of the New Course (New York: Frederick Praeger, 1957).Google Scholar

2 Ibid. p. 22. The Chinese leadership in Peking seemingly agreed with Imre, Nagy's conclusion. On 1 November 1956 Jen-min jih-pao (People's Daily) (Peking)Google Scholar wrote that the mutual relations between socialist countries should be established on the basis of the five principles. However three days later the People's Daily was the first among the Communist newspapers to hail the Soviet armed intervention in Hungary.Google Scholar See for further details: Zinner, Paul E., National Communism and Popular Revolt in Eastern Europe (New York: Columbia University Press, 1956), pp. 492–495Google Scholar; also Francois, Fejtö “Hungarian Communism,” in Griffith, W. E. (ed.), Communism in Europe (Cambridge, Mass.: The M.I.T. Press, 1967), pp. 241–248.Google Scholar

3 See, for further details, Fejtö, , “Hungarian Communism,” in Griffith, (ed.), Communism in Europe, p. 242.Google Scholar

4 For further details see Vali, F. A., Rift and Revolt in Hungary (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1961), pp. 364–369.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

5 “He [Ho Te-ch'ing] was satisfied, almost enthusiastic and hopeful that his government would accept his point of view.” György Heltai, “Imre Nagy au Parlement,” in Gosztonyi, P. (ed.), Histoire du Soulevement Hongrois (Paris, 1966), p. 183. György Heltai is at present Chairman of the Department of History at the College of Charleston, South Carolina.Google Scholar

6 According to Fejtö, the representatives of the Soviet Party, Mikoyan and Suslov, present at the 17 July 1956 Hungarian Politburo meeting, presumably took account of Kádár's popularity among the workers of Budapest when they ordered his appointment as a member of the Politburo and Secretary of the Party. Fejtö, F., “Hungarian Communism,” in Griffith, (ed.), Communism in Europe, p. 201Google Scholar. See also for further details, Vali, F. A., Rift and Revolt in Hungary (Harvard University Press, 1961), p. 235.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

7 Kádár, was accompanied by Politburo member István Hidas and Chairman of the Institute of Cultural Relations, Zoltán Szánto. The delegation left Budapest on 9 September 1956. See official Hungarian communiqué in Szabad Nép, 10 September 1956.Google Scholar

8 Népszabadság, 4 October 1957.Google Scholar

9 For detailed accounts of the campaign see Doolin, Dennis J., Communist China, the Politics of Student Opposition (Stanford: Hoover Institution, 1964)Google Scholar; and Roderick, MacFarquhar, The Hundred Flowers Campaign and the Chinese Intellectuals (New York: Praeger, 1960).Google Scholar

10 See Népszabadság, 28 April–8 May 1959. The author accompanied Münnich on this visit.Google Scholar

11 Liu Shao-ch'i had then been President of the Chinese People's Republic for only nine days.Google Scholar

12 The essence of this Chinese position was later revealed in the article, “The Origin and Development of Differences Between the Leadership of the C.P.S.U. and Ourselves,” Peking Review, No. 37 (1963), pp. 9–10.Google Scholar

13 Edward, Friedman, “The Revolution in Hungary and the Hundred Flowers Period in China,” The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. XXV, No. 1 (November 1965), p. 119.Google Scholar