Published online by Cambridge University Press: 17 February 2009
China's “democracy movement” seems, for the moment, to have passed into history. It began with wall-posters in Beijing in November 1978 and reached its high-tide the following February and March. By late March–April 1979, however, the first of a series of restrictions had been placed on participants, and the movement's most outspoken representatives, such as Wei Jingsheng, had been arrested. A year later there was a second crackdown, and even moderate members of the movement were ordered to desist. The final crackdown occurred in April 1981 and resulted in the arrest of more than 20 activists. Although the movement focused upon Beijing, where a wide variety of “unofficial” or “people's publications” (minjian kanwu) vied for domestic and international attention, many of China's provinces and cities produced their own “democracy activists” and publications.
1. Occasionally, Hong Kong magazines printed forgeries, such as articles from the Xinminzhu langchao (New Democratic Wave). Dongxifang (East and West), one of those guilty of publishing this material, exposed the forgery in its next issue.
2. See Guokai, Liu, “Why I took part in the socialist democracy movement,” in Zhongguoren (The Chinese) (12 1980), pp. 84–90.Google Scholar He Qiu's account of his participation appears in Guanchajia (The Observer), No. 36 (20 10 1980), pp. 12–15.Google Scholar Excerpts are translated in Intercontinental Press, 29 09 1980, pp. 1000–1001.Google Scholar
3. Those making up the Li Yizhe group were interviewed most extensively. See Dongxiang (Trend), Nos. 5 and 6, 02 and 03 1979Google Scholar; Zhengming (Contention), No. 26, 12 1979Google Scholar; No. 51, January 1982; Guanchajia, No. 23, 09 1979 and No. 26, 12 1979Google Scholar; Qishi niandai (The Seventies), No. 7, 07 1982.Google Scholar An interview with He Qiu appears in Zhongbao yuekan (Centre Daily News Monthly), No. 4, 05 1980.Google Scholar Periodic reports of Guangzhou's democracy movement appeared in Dongxifang, No. 18 (06 1980), pp. 8–11Google Scholar; No. 22 (October 1980), pp. 4–9; No. 25 (January 1981), pp. 7–8, 75.
4. Interview with Xizhe, Wang in Monthly Bulletin of the Chinese Democratic Movement, Vol. 1, No. 8 (11 1981), p. 12.Google Scholar
5. Hongweibing (Red Guard) (Beijing), 2 08 1967, p. 4.Google Scholar
6. In Hubei there was the Big Dipper Study Group (Beidouxing xuehui) and the Yangzi River Commentary (Yangzijiang pinglun). See interview with H.W.C., 12 May 1976.
7. Translations of articles for and against Shengwulian can be found in Mehnert, Klaus, Peking and the New Left: At Home and Abroad (Berkeley: Center for Chinese Studies, University of California, 1969), pp. 73–100 and 102–118.Google Scholar
8. For an extended account of this period, see Rosen, AAS paper, March 1982.
9. For a detailed account of the origin and development of these factions, see Rosen, Stanley, Red Guard Factionalism and the Cultural Revolution in Guangzhou (Boulder, Col.: Westview Press, 1982).Google Scholar
10. The most detailed account of the activities of Li Zhengtian and the Li Yizhe group appears in a series of articles by Chuan, Zi, “Li Yizhe yu wo” (“Li Yizhe and I”), in Beidou (Big Dipper), Nos. 1–4, 6–7, 1977.Google Scholar Zi Chuan had been a leader of Guangzhou's Rebels during the Cultural Revolution. Much of my information in this section derives from Zi Chuan's account and my discussions with him. Another important source is Hao, Qi (ed.), Guanyu shehuizhuyidi minzhu yufa zhi (On Socialist Democracy and the Legal System) (Hong Kong: Bibliotheque Asiatique, 1976), pp. 1–44.Google Scholar For a recent comment on the views of Li Zhengtian and Wang Xizhe at this time, see Min, Wang, “‘Li Yizhe’ gei houlairendi jidian qishi” (“The inspiration ‘Li Yizhe’ provided for those who came after”), in Zhongguo zhichun (China Spring), No 2 (03 1983), pp. 24–26.Google Scholar Also see the screenplay “Wang Xishe,” by Xiao Feng, Zhongguo Zhichun, Nos. 4–9, 07 1983–01 1984.Google Scholar
11. Interview with Wang Min, 25 May 1982; Beidou, No. 4, p. 13.Google Scholar “Ghosts and monsters” meant those of bad class background.
12. Hao, Qi, On Socialist Democracy, p. 167Google Scholar; Beidou, No. 7, p. 25Google Scholar; Frolic, B. Michael, Mao's People (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1980), pp. 257–65Google Scholar; Sang, Wen, “Guangzhou fuyuan tuiwu junren naoshiji” (“An account of the disturbance created by Guangzhou's demobilized soldiers”), Zhonghua yuebao (China Monthly), 08 1975, pp. 31–34.Google Scholar
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14. Lieberthal, Kenneth, “The background in Chinese politics,” in Ellison, Herbert J. (ed.), The Sino-Soviet Conflict: A Global Perspective (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1982), pp. 20–21.Google Scholar
15. Interviews with W.M. and C.Q., both of whom participated in Guangzhou's democracy movement.
16. Interview with W.C.J., 5 August 1980, who stated that nine provincial-level cadres were implicated in the Li Yizhe case.
17. Beijing zhichun (Beijing Spring), No. 2 (27 01 1979), in JPRS, No. 73728, pp. 38–39.Google Scholar
18. Chinese Law and Government, summer 1981, pp. 53–54.Google Scholar
19. This section draws from my introduction to Chinese Law and Government, summer 1981, pp. 3–14.Google Scholar
20. Peking Review, No. 52 (29 12 1978), pp. 6–16.Google Scholar For Deng's speech on emancipating the mind, delivered at the closing session of the work conference, see Daily Report, 5 July 1983, pp. K 10–19 (Renmin ribao [People's Daily], 1 07 1983).Google Scholar
21. On the reinterpretation of this incident, see Peking Review, No. 48 (1 12 1978), pp. 6–17.Google Scholar
22. New China News Service (NCNA), 1 February 1979, in JPRS, No. 72912, 2 March 1979.
23. Their holdout was not atypical. Other individuals throughout China who had been offered rehabilitation held out for high positions, good jobs, better living conditions, a more thoroughgoing verdict reversal, and so forth. Daily Report, 23 April 1979, pp. L 6–12 (Renmin ribao, 21 04 1979).Google Scholar
24. Some of these posters are translated in Chinese Law and Government, summer 1981, pp. 15–32.Google Scholar
25. Beijing zhichun. No. 2, 27 01 1979Google Scholar, in JPRS, No. 73728, 20 June 1979, p. 41. According to a number of informants familiar with that incident, however, this claim is an exaggeration. One estimated that fewer than 10% of the participants would have read the Li Yizhe poster, primarily children of high-level cadres. Possession of the poster was treated seriously. One informant related how an acquaintance of his, whose house was searched by the public security authorities on a completely different matter in 1975, was given several months detention when a copy of the Li Yizhe poster was discovered there.
26. Guangdong qingnian (Guangdong Youth), No. 2 (02 1979), pp. 3–6. especially p. 6.Google Scholar
27. Daily Report, 15 February 1979, p. E1 (AFP, 15 February).
28. Li Yizhe Members denied that Li Zhengtian had discussed their grievances at the rally. See Dongxiang, No. 6 (03 1979), pp. 34–35.Google Scholar
29. Dongxiang, No. 7 (04 1979), p. 41.Google Scholar
30. Chen Yiyang's health had deteriorated during his ordeal and his family had suffered because of his activities. He currently works in the library of the Guangdong Academy of Social Sciences. The victory of the Party reformers over their radical opponents made Guo's further participation unnecessary.
31. See Li, 's “Take the road of scientific socialism” in Guangdong qingnian. No. 12 (12 1979), pp. 7–9Google Scholar, and the interview in Zhongbao yuekan, No. 2 (03 1980), p. 31.Google Scholar Also see Guanchajia, No. 26 (12 1979), pp. 8–11Google Scholar, translated in Chinese Law and Government, summer 1981, pp. 106–115Google Scholar, and Zhengming, No. 82 (08 1984). pp. 30–33.Google Scholar
32. Interview with Wang Min and “‘Li Yizhe’ gei houlairende,” p. 25.Google Scholar
33. Four of Wang's essays, an appeal for the release of Liu Qing – arrested for selling transcripts of Wei Jingsheng's trial – plus comments made by Wang and others at a Guangdong Provincial Youth League forum, and a response by Wang to an article misquoting him at that forum, all appear in Wang Xizhe lunwenji (A Collection of Wang Xizhe's Essays) (Hong Kong: Qishi niandai zazhishe, 1981).Google Scholar The four essays are “Strive for the class dictatorship of the proletariat” and “Mao Zedong and the Cultural Revolution,” both translated in Chan, Anita, Rosen, Stanley and Unger, Jonathan, Socialist Democracy and the Chinese Legal System: The Li Yizhe Debates (Armonk: M. E. Sharpe, 1985)Google Scholar; “The orientation of democracy”; and “Proletarian dictatorship is a humanitarian dictatorship,” translated in abridged form in Siu, Helen F. and Stern, Zelda, Mao's Harvest (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983), pp. 210–19.Google Scholar All of this material originally appeared in Qishi niandai. Another of Wang's essays is “Party leadership and mass supervision,” reprinted in Zhanwang (Outlook), No. 434 (1 03 1980), pp. 11–14.Google Scholar A number of these essays first appeared in Renmin zhisheng (The People's Voice), and Renmin zhilu (The People's Road), the two major unofficial publications in Guangzhou.
34. Zhongbao yuekan. No. 2 (03 1980), p. 31.Google Scholar
35. Ibid. This speech was published, without Li's approval, in Guanchajia, No. 34 (20 08 1980), pp. 15–17.Google Scholar
36. See the interview with Xizhe, Wang in New Left Review, No. 131 (01–02 1982), pp. 62–70Google Scholar. The complete text of the interview, conducted by Huaixue, Wang in Guangzhou, on 26 12 1980Google Scholar, appears in Qishi niandai, 07 1982, pp. 34–38Google Scholar. A translation is in JPRS, No. 81700 (3 09 1982), pp. 86–97.Google Scholar
37. Wang, 's comments can be found in Chinese Law and Government, summer 1981, p. 83Google Scholar. Li, 's response is in Chinese Law and Government, summer 1981, pp. 111–13.Google Scholar
38. For Li, 's statements, see Zhengming, No. 26 (12 1979)Google Scholar, translated in Chinese Law and Government, summer 1981, pp. 116–21Google Scholar; Liu, 's letter is in Dongxifang, No. 13 (01 1980), p. 88.Google Scholar
39. Dongxifang, No. 18 (06 1980), p. 9Google Scholar. In fact, Li at present is much in demand as a lecturer on his speciality: painting nudes. He has no financial problems, is respected, and has an easy conscience. See Qishi niandai, 04 1982, p. 6.Google Scholar
40. All of Guangzhou's activists would fit into the category Brodsgaard calls the “socialist democrats,” as distinct from the “abolitionists” represented by Wei Jingsheng, the Enlightenment Society and the Human Rights League. The Guangzhou case would also fit Brodsgaard's argument that socialist democrats had been Rebels (he uses the term radicals) in the Cultural Revolution while the abolitionists had been Conservatives (he uses the term moderates). Guangzhou's most important activists had all been Rebels. See Brodsgaard, Kjeld Erik, “The democracy movement in China, 1978–1979: opposition movements, wall poster campaigns, and underground journals,” Asian Survey, 07 1981, pp. 742–74.Google Scholar
41. See Yi, Li, “Why is it that Wang Xizhe's articles arouse sympathy?”, in Qishi niandai, 07 1981, pp. 30–32Google Scholar. Also see the Xizhe, Wang interview in Monthly Bulletin of the Chinese Democratic Movement, Vol. 1, No. 8 (11 1981), p. 7Google Scholar and Beijing qiushi (Autumn Fruits in Beijing), No. 1 (03 1979), pp. 11–12Google Scholar, translated in JPRS, No. 74532 (7 11 1979). pp. 32–34.Google Scholar
42. See Weilai (Future), No. 1, 12 1978Google Scholar; Renmin zhisheng lichangshu (Standpoint of the People's Voice) in Guonei minkan xuanji (Selections from Internal People's Publications), No. 1 (17 01 1980), pp. 8–13Google Scholar. A summary of Renmin zhisheng's first issue appears in Feiqing yuebao (Bandit Intelligence Monthly), 15 12 1980, pp. 60–61.Google Scholar
43. Dongxiang, No. 7 (04 1979), pp. 9–11Google Scholar has details of this forum.
44. Chinese Law and Government, summer 1981, pp. 84–105.Google Scholar
45. Chinese Law and Government, summer 1981, pp. 77–83.Google Scholar
46. Dongxiang, No. 7 (04 1979), p. 11.Google Scholar
47. Li, 's talk, “Unlawful law and crimeless crime,” is in Guanchajia, No. 34 (08 1980), pp. 15–17Google Scholar; Wang, 's talk, “Party leadership and mass supervision,” is in Zhanwang, No. 434 (1 03 1980), pp. 11–14.Google Scholar
48. Xizhe, Wang interview, Chinese Law and Government, summer 1981, p. 81.Google Scholar
49. The 30 March speech, “Uphold the Four Cardinal Principles,” appears in Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping (1975–82) (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1984), pp. 166–91.Google Scholar
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52. Ibid. p. 78.
53. These editorials are translated in JPRS, No. 73857 (18 07 1979), pp. 6–23Google Scholar. It is interesting that a number of passages in the editorial quoted have very similar wording to Xizhe, Wang's speech “Strive for the class dictatorship of the proletariat.”Google Scholar A draft of the speech was delivered, as we have seen, on 1 April, at the forum organized by Future, and was subsequently criticized by Xi Zhongxun. The speech, with wording similar to the 1 June Nanfang ribao (Southern Daily) editorial, was not published until 07 1979Google Scholar in Renmin zhisheng. It is clear that the draft had been revised to conform more with editorials in the official press. In fact, Wang specifically quotes a passage from the 5 April Renmin ribao editorial. Chinese Law and Government, summer 1981, pp. 102–103Google Scholar. Xi Zhongxun's views at this time can be found in his talks with youths, in Guangdong qingnian, No. 5–6 (05–06 1979), pp. 3–7.Google Scholar
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66. Ibid. 16 February 1980.
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