¹ The best account of Chinese ancient history in a Western language remains Maspero, Henri, La Chine antique (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1955), originally published in 1927Google Scholar; 2nd ed. More modern, but less detailed, are Fairbank, John K. and Reischauer, Edwin O., East Asia, the Great Tradition (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960)Google Scholar, and Hulsewé, A. F. P., “China im Altertum,” Propyläen Weltgeschichte, Vol. II (Berlin: Propyläen-Ullstein, 1962), pp. 479–571Google Scholar (up to the end of the Han period in the early third century A.D.).

² The first 47 chapters of the total of 130 were translated by Ed. Chavannes, in the five volumes of Les mémoires historiques de Se-ma Ts'ien (Paris: Leroux, 1895–1905)Google Scholar; since then a considerable number of the other chapters have been translated, esp. by Watson, Burton, Records of the Grand Historian of China, Ssu-ma Ch'ien, 2 vols. (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1961)Google Scholar.

³ Complete translation by Legge, James in Vol. V of The Chinese Classics (originally published in 1865, reissued by the University of Hong Kong in 1960)Google Scholar.

⁴ The first 12 chapters as well as the 99th have been translated by Dubs, H. H., The History of the Former Han Dynasty, 3 vols. (Baltimore: Waverly Press, 1938, 1944, 1955)Google Scholar. Several other chapters have likewise been rendered in Western languages.

⁵ See Balazs, E., “L'histoire comme guide de la pratique bureaucratique,” in Beasly, W. G. (ed.), Historians of China and Japan (London: Oxford University Press, 1961), pp. 78–94, esp. p. 90 et seqGoogle Scholar.

⁶ See Pulleyblank, E. G., “Chinese Historical Criticism, Liu Chih-chi and Ssu-ma Kuang,” in Beasly, W. G. (ed.), Historians of China and Japan, pp. 134–166, esp. p. 151 et seqGoogle Scholar.

⁷ Extensively discussed in the archaeological journals by eminent epigraphers such as Kuo Mo-jo and Ch'en Meng-chia.

⁸ For a brief survey, see my forthcoming contribution to the Swiss journal Asiatische Studien, entitled “Texts in Tombs.”

⁹ An excellent survey of the discoveries of recent years and their assumed implications for Chinese history is provided by Nai, Hsia in his Hsin Chung-kuo ti K'ao-ku Shouhuo (Archaeology in New China) (Peking: Wen-wu Press, 1961)Google Scholar, and in its sequel in K'ao-ku, October 1964, pp. 485–497.

¹⁰ Te-k'un, Cheng, “Archaeology in Communist China,” The China Quarterly, No. 22, 07–09 1965, p. 67CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹ For a description of the social, political and cultural revolution which started in the summer of 1919, see the masterly work by Tse-tsung, Chow, The May Fourth Movement (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1960)Google Scholar, and Franke, Wolfgang, Chinas kulturelle Revolution (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1957)Google Scholar.

¹² For an outline of this movement, which envisaged particularly a “debunking” of the legendary part of China's earliest history, see Hummel, Arthur W., The Autobiography of a Chinese Historian (Leiden: Brill, 1931)Google Scholar. Chieh-kang, Ku initiated the series Ku-shih Pien (Discussions on Ancient History), of which nine volumes appeared between 1926 and 1941Google Scholar.

¹³ See Liu, Chung-jo, Controversies in Modern Chinese Intellectual History (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1964), pp. 146–159Google Scholar.

¹⁴ See Ssu-yü, Teng, “Chinese Historiography in the Last Fifty Years,” in Far Eastern Quarterly (FEQ), VIII, 1949, pp. 131–156Google Scholar.

¹⁵ T'ao Hsi-sheng today serves as Chiang Kai-shek's leading ideologist on Taiwan.

¹⁶ Hsi-sheng, T'ao and Chü-ch'en, Shen, Ch'in Han Cheng-chih Chih-tu (The Political System of the Ch'in and Han Empires) (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1936), p. 6Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Ssu-mien, Lü, Ch'in Han Shih (Ch'in-Han History) (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1947)Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Chieh-kang, Ku, Ch'in Shih Huang-ti (originally published in Chungking in approximately 1944, republished in Taipei by the Sheng-li publishers in 1954; 112 pp.)Google Scholar. Professor Ku has remained in Peking and his latest publication which has come to my notice is an excellent article on the date of compilation of the Yü-kung chapter in the Book of Documents, included in Chung-kuo Ti-li Ming-chu Hsuan-tu, ti I-Chi (Selected Readings in Famous Writings on Chinese Geography) (Peking: K'o-hsueh Ch'u-pan She, 1959)Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Kan, Lao, Ch'in Han Shih (Taipei: Chung-hua Wen-hua Ch'u-pan Shih-yeh Wei-yüan-hui, 1952), p. 40Google Scholar.

²⁰ See the highly enlightening article by Li-huang, Ch'i, “Chung-kuo feng-chien she-hui nung-min cheng-ch'uan ti liang-chung-hsing chi-ch'i hsiang feng-chien-hsing cheng-ch'uan chuan-hua ti pi-jan-hsing” (“The Twofold Nature of Peasant Political Power in China's Feudal Society, and its Inevitable Development into a Feudalistic Political Power”), in Li-shih Yen-chiu (Historical Research), 03 1962, pp. 134–142Google Scholar.

²¹ Mu, Ch'ien, Ch'in Han Shih (Hong Kong: Hsin Hua publishers, 1957)Google Scholar; not so much a consecutive survey as a collection of thoughtful essays on problems connected with this period.

²² Kuo-shih Ta-kang (Outline National History), Vol. I (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1940; Formosa: Kuo-li Pien-i-kuan, 1958), pp. 71, 83–84Google Scholar.

²³ Ch'in, Chang, Chung-hua T'ung-shih (General History of China) (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1933, 1936)Google Scholar.

²⁴ Chung-kuo nu-li-chih yü feng-chien-chih fen-ch'i wen-t'i lun-wen hsuan-chi (Selected Articles on the Problem of Periodisation of the Slavery System and the Feudal System in China) (Peking: San-lien Bookstore, 1956), 508 pp., 25 papersGoogle Scholar; and Chung-kuo ku-tai-shih fen-ch'i t'ao-lun chi (Collected Discussions on the Periodisation of Chinese Ancient History) (Peking: San-lien Bookstore, 1957), 584 pp.Google Scholar, 19 papers and a bibliography of 153 numbers for publications between October 1949 and August 1956. Both collections were edited by the journal Li-shih Yen-chiu, in which a considerable number of these articles had appeared first.

²⁵ pp. 20–25; also quoted in Selected Articles, op cit., note 24, p. 19 et seq.

²⁶ Chien-nung, Li, not a Marxist by origin, writes in his highly informative Hsien Ch'in Liang-Han Ching-chi Shih-kao (A Draft Economic History of the pre-Ch'in Period and of the Two Han Dynasties), originally written in 1936Google Scholar, first published in 1956, quoted according to the Peking Chung-hua Shu-chü edition of 1962, p. 149, Chap. 12, “The Development of Agriculture”: “In general, the Han people were able to continue and to extend the work of the late Chou period as regards irrigation. There was also improvement in the manufacture of agricultural tools and in the methods of cultivation. However, the effect of these improvements and their application seems to have been very slow, and not at all as far-reaching as imagined by authors in general” (my italics). Professor Li then shows in detail the general ineffectiveness and impermanence of waterworks (pp. 149–154), the extremely slow and uneven spread of new agricultural techniques (pp. 154–162), and the effect of natural disasters (pp. 162–164), including cattle diseases which seriously influenced the area ploughed by means of draught animals. Finally, he points out that during the Han period mechanical irrigation devices had either not yet been invented or were not used as such (p. 169).

²⁷ Owing to the relative scantiness of the data available for the labour service and military service under the Han, different explanations have been proffered, but on the whole the description given by ProfessorLien-sheng, Yang, Harvard Journal of Asian Studies, 13, 1950, p. 547et seqGoogle Scholar. (now included in his Studies in Chinese Institutional History (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1961), p. 108et seq.)Google Scholar, has remained unaffected. Problems concerning taxation have been very carefully worked out in a series of articles by Hiranaka Reiji, now collected in one volume: Reiji, Hiranaka, Chūkoku kodai no densei to zeihō (Land Rent and Taxation in Chinese Antiquity) (Kyoto: Ibundō, 1961)Google Scholar.

²⁸ In modern times, as far as I am aware, problems concerning the Han kingdoms and marquisates have been mostly discussed by Japanese scholars; see, e.g., Shigeo, Kamada, Shin-Kan seiji seido no kenkyū, Kyoto, 1962, pp. 123–272Google Scholar. In China less attention seems to have been paid to these institutions since the enlightening remarks on the subject by the great 17th- and 18th-century critics.

²⁹ Balazs, review of Eberhard, W., Conquerors and Rulers, Etudes Asiatiques, VII, 1953, p. 163Google Scholar.

³⁰ Paper read at the Paris conference of the “Junior sinologues” in 1956, under the title “Some Stereotypes in the Periodisation of Chinese History.”

³¹ Also in this case, a number of studies on the problem have been collected in a large publication, Chung-kuo feng-chien she-huei t'u-ti so-yu-chih hsing-shih wen-t'i t'ao-lun-chi (Collected Discussions on the Problem of the Form of Landownership in China's Feudal Society) (Peking: San-lien Bookstore, 1962), 733 pp.Google Scholar, 39 articles and a bibliography of 132 contributions on the subject, published between October 1949 and December 1960; the final article in the collection (pp. 713–724) gives a detailed and clear survey of the different standpoints as regards the key problem: whether land was basically state property or private property.

³² Wai-lu, Hou, Chung-kuo Ku-tai She-huei Shih-lun (Studies in Chinese Ancient Social History) (Peking: Jen-min Ch'u-pan She, 1955)Google Scholar and Chung-kuo Ssu-hsiang Shih (History of Chinese Thought) (Peking: San-lien Bookstore, 1957), Vols. 1, 2Google Scholar.

³³ Hsiang-k'uei, Yang, Chung-kuo Ku-tai She-hui yü Ku-tai Ssu-hsiang Yen-chiu (Studies in China's Ancient Society and Ancient Ideology) (Shanghai: Jen-min Ch'u-pan She, 1962), Vol. 1, pp. 1–18Google Scholar.

³⁴ Shun-hui, Chang, Chung-kuo-shih Lun-wen-chi (Collected Essays on Chinese History) (Hankow: Hu-pei Jen-min Ch'u-pan She, 1956), pp. 182–185Google Scholar. The remarks by Kuo Mo-jo occur in the journal Hsin Chien-she 14/5.

³⁵ Hou Wai-lu, Chung-kuo Ku-tai She-huei Shih-lun.

³⁶ Cf. Wetter, G. A., Sowietideologie heute, Vol. 1, Dialektischer und historischer Materialismus (Frankfurt: Fischer Bücherei, 1962), p. 174Google Scholar.

³⁷ Yang Hsiang-k'uei, p. 33 et seq.; Chen-yü, Lü in an article on “the transitional and uneven nature of the development of social conditions under the Chou—an investigation into the problem of the completion of the transition of Chinese society from slaveholding to feudalism,” in his Shih Lun-chi (Collection of Essays on History) (Peking: San-lien Bookstore, 1960), pp. 147–173Google Scholar.

³⁸ Yüeh, Shang, Chung-kuo Li-shih Kang-yao (Outline of Chinese History) (Peking: Jenmin Ch'u-pan She, 1954)Google Scholar, first printing August 1954; second printing December 1954; total: 106,000 copies.

³⁹ “Chinese Historiography in the Last Fifty Years,” FEQ, VIII, 1949, p. 147Google Scholar; Teng calls Fan “a leading Communist scholar” who had “received too much traditional training to be very radical” and who “merely puts the old wine in a new jar.”

⁴⁰ Wen-lan, Fan, Chung-kuo T'ung-shih Chien-pien (General History of China Simplified), revised edition (Peking: Jen-min Ch'u-pan She, 1956)Google Scholar. The most serious revision evidently took place after a critical review published in 1955, but from the preface it is clear that also earlier there had been several revisions, i.e., in 1951. Chen-yü, Lü, Chien-ming Chung-kuo T'ung-shih (Peking: Jen-min Ch'u-pan She, 1956)Google Scholar, considerably revised in 1954.

⁴¹ T'o, Teng, “Chung-kuo ch'ang-ch'i feng-chien she-hui nung-yeh sheng-ch'an kuan-hsi ti pien-hua” (“The Changes in Agricultural Productive Relations in China's Long-Enduring Feudal Society”), Lun Chung-kuo li-shih ti chi-ko wen-t'i (Some Problems in Chinese History“), (Peking: San-lien Bookstore, 1963), p. 92et seq., esp. pp. 106–113Google Scholar.

⁴² On the latter phenomenon, see the remarks in Wilson, Edmund, To the Finland Station (London: Collins' Fontana Library, 1962), pp. 181–200Google Scholar; “The Myth of the Dialectic,” esp. p. 191 et seq.; see also Wetter, G. A., Sowietideologie, Vol. I, pp. 150–151, 194–195Google Scholar.

⁴³ Hsin-hsing ti-chu chieh-chi.

⁴⁴ Po-tsan, Chien, Chung-kuo Li-shih Kai-yao, pp. 6–7Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Ibid. p. 9.

⁴⁶ I-hsiang, Yang, Ch'in Han Shih Kang-yao (Outline of Ch'in Han History) (Shanghai: Hsin-chih-shih Ch'u-pan She, 1956), p. 1Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Ibid.p. 2.

⁴⁸ Chien Po-tsan, p. 9.

⁴⁹ Henri Maspero, p. 112, p. 135 et seq.

⁵⁰ Chien-ming Chung-kuo T'ung-shih, p. 91 et seq.

⁵¹ See Yü-huang, Liu, “Lun Han Chin Nan-ch'ao ti feng-chien chuang-yuan chih-tu” (“The feudal chuang-yuan system under the Han, the Chin and the Southern Dynasties, i.e., from the 2nd century B.C. to the 6th century A.D.”), Li-shih Yen-chiu, 03 1962Google Scholar.

⁵² See Ch'ang-ch'ün, Ho, “Ch'in Han chien ko-t'i hsiao-nung ti hsing-ch'eng ho fa-chan ping lun Chen She ch'i-i ti chieh-chi kuan-hsi” (“Formation and Growth of Individual Small Peasants in Ch'in-Han Times and the Class Relationships of the Revolt of Ch'en She”), Li-shih Yen-chiu, 03 1959Google Scholar.

⁵³ The ching-t'ien system has formed an inexhaustible source for discussion since antiquity; for a survey of theories, see Eberhard, W., Conquerors and Rulers (Leiden: Brill, 1952), p. 7et seq.Google Scholar; see also the articles in Sun, E. T. Zen and de Francis, John, Chinese Social History, Translation of Selected Studies (Washington, D.C.: American Council of Learned Societies, 1956), p. 3et seq.Google Scholar; K'uan, Yang, op. cit., note 31, above, pp. 348–367Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ K'uan, Yang, Chan-kuo Shih (History of the Waning States) (Shanghai: Jen-min Ch'u-pan She, 1955), pp. 11–39Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Hsia, Ch'i, Ch'in Han Nung-min Chan-cheng Shih (History of the Peasant Wars During the Ch'in and the Han Dynasties, i.e., from the end of the 3rd century B.C. to the end of the 2nd century A.D.) (Peking: San-lien Bookstore, 1962), p. 1Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ Fan Wen-lan, Vol. I, p. 155 et seq.

⁵⁷ Fan Wen-lan, p. 236.

⁵⁸ Hsia, Ch'i, Ch'in Han, p. 5Google Scholar; Fan Wen-lan (p. 250) notes in passing that the class struggle within this divided peasantry had not yet assumed violent forms.

⁵⁹ Shih-tai, Nu-li-chih(The Age of Slavery) (Peking: Jen-min Ch'u-pan She, 1952), p. 19Google Scholar; Tso chuan, duke Hsüan, 15th year (594 B.C.) is the earliest date, referring to the State of Lu; Chien-nung, Li, Hsien Ch'in, pp. 127–140Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ Hsia, Ch'i, Ch'in Han, p. 3Google Scholar.

⁶¹ Hsien Ch'in, p. 38, p.44 et seq.

⁶² Chan-kuo Shih, p. 26 et seq. For a condensed and more positive version of Yang K'uan's views, see his Ch'in Shih Huang (Shanghai: Jen-min Ch'u-pan She, 1956), p. 2Google Scholar.

⁶³ Li Chien-nung, Hsien Ch'in.

⁶⁴ Fan Wen-lan, pp. 242–243.

⁶⁵ Tzu-ch'üan, Ho, Ch'in Han Shlh-lueh (Brief History of the Ch'in-Han Period) (Shanghai: Jen-min Ch'u-pan She, 1954), p. 4Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ K'uan, Yang, Chan-kuo Shih, pp. 40–59Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Lü Chen-yü, pp. 116–117. Yang K'uan is sensible enough to say only that the increase in the size of the town populations was also due to an influx of peasants (p. 46).

⁶⁸ Fan Wen-lan, p. 228.

⁶⁹ Fan Wen-lan, p. 258. The existence of a common culture in a politically divided area may make the political unification of that area seem logical and inevitable but the history of Western Europe (the Scandinavian countries, the German states, Italy), of India, of South America, etc., shows that historical reality is quite different. The idea that a common culture should “demand” unification is preposterous; one can only say that it might facilitate unification theoretically, or that it would be desirable as an ideal.

⁷⁰ K'ai-yang, Liu, Ch'in-mo Nung-min Chan-cheng Shih-lueh (Brief History of the Peasant Wars at the End of the Ch'in) (Peking: Commercial Press, 1959), p. 3Google Scholar; Tzuch'üan, Ho, Ch'in Han, p. 13Google Scholar; K'uan, Yang, Ch'in Shih Huang, p. 9Google Scholar; Chan-kuo Shih, p. 245.

⁷¹ K'uan, Yang, Chan-kuo Shih, p. 82et seq.Google Scholar, raises the interesting point that internal disturbances—peasant revolts—weakened the power of resistance of the other states against the attacks of Ch'in.

⁷² Lü-shih Ch'un-ch'iu, Vol. XIII, No. 5, Vol. XVI, No.2, Chu-tzu Chi-ch'eng (Collected Texts of the Various Philosophers), Vol. VI, pp. 132 and 182.

⁷³ K'uan, Yang, Ch'in Shih Huang, pp. 10–11Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ Ch'ü T'ung-tsu is the only author to say that, if Ch'in had not brought the feudal system to an end by political force, sooner or later one of the other warring states would have replaced it by a state with centralised power: Chung-kuo Feng-chien Shehuei (China's Feudal Society) (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1937), p. 357Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ K'uan, Yang, Ch'in Shih Huang, p. 109Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ The Legalists are hard-headed, matter-of-fact “Realpolitiker,” who owe their name (fa-chid) to their reliance on a severe penal law, impartially applied to both nobles and commoners, to aid the ruler in his efforts for centralisation; Shang Yang is the first of these Legalists whose work has been transmitted to us. See for an outline of Legalist policies the introduction to Duyvendak, J. J. L., The Book of Lord Shang (London: Probstein, 1929)Google Scholar. A good general survey of the measures taken by Ch'in Shih Huang-ti is provided by Bodde, D., China's First Unifier (Leiden: Brill, 1938)Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ See for this text ibid., p. 2; a translation of the inscriptions is to be found in Chavannes, , Les mémoires historiques de Se-ma Ts'ien, Vol. II, p. 140et seq.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Ho Ch'ang-ch'ün, pp. 15–41, esp. p. 20.

⁷⁹ Ho Tzu-ch'üan, p. 117.

⁸⁰ Ho Tzu-ch'üan, pp. 13–22.

⁸¹ Liu K'ai-yang, pp. 3–4.

⁸² Ibid. pp. 9–10; similarly Chien Po-tsan, p. 10.

⁸³ Yang I-hsiang, pp. 8–10.

⁸⁴ See Fan Wen-lan, Vol. II, p. 14.

⁸⁵ Ibid. Vol. I, p. 256.

⁸⁶ Lü Chen-yü p. 132 et seq.

⁸⁷ The whole Empire eventually came to be divided into chün, “commanderies,” which were in their turn subdivided into hsien, “prefectures,” all governed by imperially appointed officials. Two excellent modern studies on the growth of the chün-hsien system are Yü-liu, Yang, Han I-ch'ien Chih Ti-fang Hsing-cheng Ch'ü-hua (Areas of Local Government before the Han Dynasty), Hsueh-shu chi-k'an, Vol. 4, Taipei, 1957, pp. 39–66Google Scholar, and Keng-wang, Yen, Ch'in Han Ti-fang Hsing-cheng Chih-tu (Local Government Organisation under the Ch'in and the Han Dynasties), Academia Sinica special publication 45, Vol. I, Taipei, 1961, pp. 1–8Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Yang I-hsiang, p. 3.

⁸⁹ Fan Wen-lan, Vol. I, p. 185.

⁹⁰ Lü Chen-yü, p. 118.

⁹¹ Ch'i Hsia, p. 14.

⁹² Honshu Pu-chu, 34, 1 a: “Chia p'in; wu using; pu te t'ui tse wei li.”

⁹³ Ch'i Hsia, p. 14.

⁹⁴ Wai-lu, Hou, Chung-kuo Ku-tai She-huei Shih-lun, p. 355 and p. 367Google Scholar. It is, however, undoubtedly true that the offices under the Commandery Administrator and the Prefect were staffed by members of the economically better situated stratum (who therefore had the means and the leisure to study), and these locally engaged clerks could be recommended to the central government so as eventually to become imperially appointed administrators themselves. See Tatsuo, Masubuchi, Chūukoku kodai no shakai to kokka (Society and State in Ancient China) (Tokyo: Kobundo, 1960), p. 77et seq.Google Scholar, and Cho-yun, Hsu, “The Interaction of Social Power and Political Authority during the Former Han Dynasty,” Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology, Vol. 35 (Taipei: Academia Sinica, 1964), p. 261et seq.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Two measures taken by the first Emperor of Ch'in in order to silence criticism of his government; the books to be handed in for destruction included the Confucian classics as well as the works of the philosophers of the preceding centuries. These measures have more than anything made the first Emperor earn the undying hatred of all Confucians of later ages.

⁹⁶ I-hsiang, Yang, Ch'in Han, p. 8Google Scholar.

⁹⁷ Po-tsan, Chien, Chung-kuo, p. 10Google Scholar; Chen-yü, Lü, Chien-ming, pp. 132–133Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Chung-kuo T'ung-shih Chien-pien, Vol. II, pp. 16–18. Twenty millions seems too low in view of the figure of about 60,000,000 two centuries later, as established by Bielenstein, H., “The Census in China,” in Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, 19 (Stockholm, 1947), p. 125et seq.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Ho Ch'ang-ch'ün, pp. 39–40.

¹⁰⁰ Tse-tung, Mao, Selected Works, Vol. 2, p. 629Google Scholar. The word “rebellion” (or “revolt”) is not the right way to translate the expression ch'i i, as in China's long historiographical tradition this term denotes risings that from the traditionalist and legitimist point of view might be called justified or legitimate; also, they were mostly hallowed by their eventual success. In this way the T'ang histories speak of the ch'i i by the aristocratic founder of the T'ang Dynasty. It is, of course, generally known that the term ko-ming, used nowadays for an actual revolution aiming at a change of the social structure like the French revolution of 1789 or the Russian one of 1917, denoted originally merely a change of dynasty, when the heavenly mandate was changed. At present, the term ko-ming is likewise often used to designate risings in the “feudal” past which in actual fact merely expected a restoration of “good order” according to the traditional concept, viz., the ideal functioning of the oldestablished social pyramid. Again another use of the term is to be found in Mo-jo's, KuoNu-li-chih shih-tai, p. 29Google Scholar, where he describes the struggles between the ruling houses in the States of Ch'i and Chin and the leading noble families, and the changes resulting from these struggles. These changes “have to be considered as revolutionary, ko-ming-ti, as they were not purely political revolutions ko-ming, involving merely a change in the ruling house, but qualitative changes in society, social revolutions, ko-ming.”

¹⁰¹ Po-tsan, Chien, “Tzu-ch'an chieh-chi yu-p'ai tsai li-shih-hsueh fang-mien ti fan-tang fan-she-huei-chu-i huo-tung” (“Anti-Party and Anti-Socialist Activities in the Field of Historical Science by Rightists of the Bourgeois Class”), Li-shih Wen-t'i Lunis'ung (Collected Essays on Problems of History) (Peking: Jen-min Ch'u-pan She, 1962), pp. 8–15Google Scholar, originally published in the Peking University Paper Pei-ching tahsueh-pao of September 23, 1957, p. 9.

¹⁰² Kung-pi, Li (ed.), Chung-kuo Nung-min Ch'i-i Lun-chi (Collected Papers on Chinese Peasant Rebellions) (Peking: San-lien Bookstore, 1958), 462 pp., 26 articlesGoogle Scholar; Shao-pin, Shih (ed.), Feng-chien She-huei Nung-min Chan-cheng Wen-t'i T'ao-lun-chi (Collected Discussions on Problems concerning the Peasant Wars in Feudal Society) (Peking: San-lien Bookstore, 1962), 545 pp.Google Scholar, 34 articles and a bibliography of 398 items (partly contributions in the great daily papers) of which the first 148 discuss general principles, whereas the remainder is devoted to the separate wars.

¹⁰⁸ See the bibliography in Shih Shao-pin, pp. 528–529; Ch'i Hsia, pp. 41, 210. Besides the Ch'en She rebellion of 209 B.C. (which set off the other risings that caused the fall of the Ch'in) Ch'i also analyses the Red Eyebrows' revolt of A.D. 22 and the rising of the Yellow Turbans in A.D. 184. See also Liu K'ai-yang, p. 98.

¹⁰⁴ Tse-tung, Mao, Selected Works, Vol. II, pp. 619–620Google Scholar, paraphrased by Po-tsan, Chien, Li-shih wen-t'i lun-ts'ung, pp. 115–116Google Scholar; see also Ch'i Li-huang, on the persistence of the “feudal ideology” among the peasants.

¹¹⁵ Liu K'ai-yang, pp. 90–91.

¹⁰⁶ ibid. pp. 96–97.

¹⁰⁷ Ho Tzu-ch'üan, p. 29 et seq.

¹⁰⁸ Ho Ch'ang-chün, p. 35, quoting Marx's study on the coup d'état of Louis Napoléon; according to Ho's Chinese version of this study, Marx said that the individual small peasants, although forming a large mass, had no intensive mutual connections, their nearly self-sufficient units being like potatoes held together in a bag; having only local ties, they could not form a class and needed others to be their leaders.

¹⁰⁹ Ho Tzu-ch'üan, p. 33.

¹¹⁰ ibid. pp. 33–34.

¹¹¹ Yang I-hsiang, pp. 22–25.

¹¹² Ch'i Hsia, pp. 42–44; similarly Wen-lan, Fan, Chung-kuo, Vol. II, p. 28Google Scholar.

¹¹³ Po-tsan, Chien, Chung-kuo Li-shih Kang-yao, pp. 10–11Google Scholar.

¹¹⁴ Yang I-hsiang, p. 26.

¹¹⁵ Fan Wen-lan, pp. 32–35.

¹¹⁶ Ch'i Hsia, pp. 55–56.

¹¹⁷ Ho Ch'ang-ch'ün. The basic quotations are from Marx's Kapital, Engels' Anti-Dühring, Origin of the Family, Situation of the English Working Class, and Mao's, Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 954Google Scholar.

¹¹⁸ Chung-kuo Ku-tai She-huei Yen-chiu, republished and subsequently revised several times.

¹¹⁹ Chien Po-tsan, op. cit., note 101, above.

¹²⁰ Tse-tung, Mao, Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 18Google Scholar. A case in point is that Chien Po-tsan had tried to show that the Han period was no longer part of slavery society: Li-shih Yen-chiu, April 1954, pp. 1–24. This standpoint was attacked by three young men who set out to prove that it still was: Li-shih Yen-chiu, January 1955, pp. 19–46. However, their handling and even their understanding of the primary texts proved to be so poor that they were subjected to severe counter-criticism: Chin-ming, Tu, Li-shih Yen-chiu, 11 1956, pp. 51–63Google Scholar. In all these discussions the splendid definitive study on the subject of slavery in the Han period was, of course, never mentioned, viz., Wilbur, Martin C., Slavery in China under the Han Dynasty (Chicago: Field Museum of Natural History, Anthropological Series, 1943), Vol. 34Google Scholar.

¹²¹ The flattened surface of a bone or a tortoise shell was heated at a prepared point by means of a glowing metal rod and the resulting cracks in the bone were interpreted by soothsayers in the same way as the folds in sheep's livers by the Acadian and Roman haruspices. In many cases the question to the oracle as well as the reply were inscribed beside the cracked spot.

¹²² The Shang rulers were overlords of the western part of the Great North China Plain between the 16th and the 11th century B.C.

¹²³ A collection of short pieces of varying date on historical and legendary subjects. The best translation is that by Karlgren, B. in the Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, Vol. 22, Stockholm, 1950Google Scholar.

¹²⁴ This text, composed about 45 B.C., is a synopsis of the debates held at an economic court conference in 81 B.C. The first 29 chapters have been translated by Gale, E. M., The Discourses on Salt and Iron (Leiden: Brill, 1931)Google Scholar; and Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 65, 1934Google Scholar.

¹²⁵ For this text, see note 4, above. For the critical edition referred to, see Loewe, M. A. M. in Asia Major, Vol. 9 (London, 1962), p. 162et seq.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ He died in 1958.

¹²⁷ Discovered by the Sino-Swedish expedition in 1930; see Bergmann, Folke, Travels and Archaeological Fieldwork in Mongolia and Sinkiang (Stockholm, 1945), p. 114Google Scholar. These texts were published by their decipherer, Lao Kan, already in 1944; his definitive edition was published on Formosa; see my “Han time documents” in T'oung-Pao, 45, 1957, p. 4.

¹²⁸ Chü-yen Han-chien Chia Pien (Han Documents from Edsin-gol) Vol. I (Peking: K'o hsueh Ch'u-pan She, 1959)Google Scholar.

¹²⁹ Chih, Ch'en, Liang Han Ching-chi Shih-liao Lun-ts'ung (Collected Papers on Materials for an Economic History of the Two Han Dynasties) (Sian: Shensi Jen-min Ch'upan She, 1958)Google Scholar.

¹³⁰ I am thinking in particular of scholars like Kaizuka Shigeki, Utsunomiya Kiyoyoshi, Sūdo Sōkichi, Katnada Shigeo, Masubuchi Tatsuo, Nishijima Sadao, Moriya Mitsuo, Oba Osamu, Hiranaka Reiji, Uchida Tomoo and others.

¹³¹ Viatkin, R. V. and Tikhvinsky, S. L., “Some Questions of Historical Science in the Chinese People's Republic,” Voprosy Istorii, 10 1963Google Scholar.

¹³² Op. cit., note 12, above.

¹³³ Fan Wen-lan, Vol. I, p. 104.

¹³⁴ Ya-nung, Li, Hsi Chou yü Tung Chou (Western and Eastern Chou) (Shanghai: Jenmin Ch'u-pan She, 1956), p. 1et seqGoogle Scholar.

¹³⁵ Kwang-chih, Chang, The Archaeology of Ancient China (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1963)Google Scholar.

¹³⁶ Shou-min, Liu, Wen wu, 11 1963, pp. 50–55Google Scholar.

¹³⁷ Wai-lu, Hou, Chung-kuo Ku-tai She-huei Shih-lun; pp. 1–100Google Scholar.

¹³⁸ Tse-tung, Mao, Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 821Google Scholar; cf. p. 817.