¹ Lewald, Theodor, Sport, Wirtschaft, Volksgesundheit (Berlin: Georg Stilke, 1926), 3fGoogle Scholar. On the DRAL and the organizational framework of the Weimar sports movement, see Eisenberg, Christiane, “English Sports” und deutsche Bürger. Eine Gesellschaftsgeschichte (Paderborn: Schöningh, 1999), chap. VIIGoogle Scholar.

² Lewald, Sport, Wirtschaft, 4–9.

³ For such a broad conceptualization of biopolitics as a central aspect of German modernity, see Dickinson, Edward Ross, “Biopolitics, Fascism, Democracy: Some Reflections on Our Discourse about Modernity,” Central European History 37 (2004): 1–47CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On sports as a Weimar mass phenomenon, see Eisenberg, Christiane, “Massensport in der Weimarer Republik. Ein statistischer Überblick,” Archiv für Sozialgeschichte 33 (1993): 137–177Google Scholar.

⁴ Carl Diem, the general secretary of the DRAL, was deeply impressed by the popular enthusiasm for sports in the United States. He attributed the greater contentment and happiness of American workers compared to their German counterparts to the “healthy human mind” (gesunder Menschenverstand) and character that was formed through physical activity and play. In spring 1929, Carl Diem and Theodor Lewald led a government-endorsed informational tour of American sporting facilities. Diem, Carl, Sport in Amerika. Ergebnisse einer Studienreise (Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1930), 1fGoogle Scholar.

⁵ Lerner, Paul, Hysterical Men: War, Psychiatry, and the Politics of Trauma in Germany, 1890–1930 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2003)Google Scholar; Killen, Andreas, Berlin Electropolis: Shock, Nerves, and German Modernity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶ Price, Matthew, “Bodies and Souls: The Rehabilitation of Maimed Soldiers in France and Germany during the First World War” (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1998)Google Scholar. Hagner, Michael, “Verwundete Gesichter, verletzte Gehirne. Zur Deformation des Kopfes im Ersten Weltkrieg,” in Gesichter der Weimarer Republik. Eine physiognomische Kulturgeschichte, ed. Schmölders, Claudia and Gilman, Sander (Cologne: Dumont, 2000), 78–95Google Scholar.

⁷ To cite just a few of the works that deal with Weimar eugenics, see Schmuhl, Hans Walter, ed., Rassenforschung an Kaiser-Wilhelm-Instituten vor und nach 1933 (Göttingen: Wallstein, 2003)Google Scholar. Planert, Ute, “Der dreifache Körper des Volkes. Sexualität, Biopolitik und die Wissenschaften vom Leben,” Geschichte und Gesellschaft 26 (2000): 539–576Google Scholar. Schwartz, Michael, Sozialistische Eugenik. Eugenische Sozialtechnologien in Debatten und Politik der deutschen Sozialdemokratie 1890–1933 (Bonn: Dietz, 1995)Google Scholar. Weiss, Sheila Faith, “The Race Hygiene Movement in Germany, 1904–1945,” in The Wellborn Science: Eugenics in Germany, France, Brazil, and Russia, ed. Adams, Mark B. (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), 8–68Google Scholar. Weindling, Paul, Health, Race, and German Politics between National Unification and Nazism, 1870–1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989)Google Scholar.

⁸ There are a number of works that deal with qualitative aspects of Wilhelmine and Weimar biopolitics other than eugenics. On the promotion of “rational nutrition,” see Treitel, Corinna, “Max Rubner and the Biopolitics of Rational Nutrition,” Central European History 41 (2008): 1–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On different aspects of Weimar health and welfare policy, see Frohman, Larry, “Prevention, Welfare, and Citizenship: The War on Tuberculosis and Infant Mortality,” Central European History 39 (2006): 431–481Google Scholar. Eghigian, Greg, Disability, Insurance, and the Birth of the Social Entitlement State in Germany (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Hong, Young-Sun, Welfare, Modernity, and the Weimar State, 1919–1933 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998)Google Scholar. Dickinson, Edward Ross, The Politics of German Child Welfare from the Empire to the Federal Republic (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1996), chaps. 6–8Google Scholar. Harvey, Elizabeth, Youth and the Welfare State in Weimar Germany (Oxford: Clarendon, 1993)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the work sciences, see Nolan, Mary, Visions of Modernity: American Business and the Modernization of Germany (New York: Oxford, 1994), especially chap. 9Google Scholar. Campbell, Joan, Joy in Work, German Work: The National Debate, 1800–1945 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Siegel, Tilla and von Freyberg, Thomas, Industrielle Rationalisierung unter dem Nationalsozialismus (Frankfurt and New York: Campus, 1991)Google Scholar. See also the literature on work physiology and psychology cited in this article in footnotes 32 and 72).

⁹ On the DHfL, see also Eisenberg, “English Sports” und deutsche Bürger, 352–357. Brinkschulte, Eva, Körperertüchtigung. Sportmedizin zwischen Leistungsoptimierung und Gesundheitsförderung 1895–1933 (Habilitation, Berlin: Freie Universität, 2002), 74–101Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Carl und Lieselott Diem Archiv (CULDA), Sachakten, Nr. 185. The promotion of Breitensport was one of the main purposes of the “Hochschule” from the outset. It was more than a compensation for the lack of a good research profile, as Eisenberg claims. Eisenberg, “English Sports” und deutsche Bürger, 362.

¹¹ Diem (1882–1962) was the most important German sports official during the first half of the twentieth century. Starting out as a journalist, he was already a major figure in the German sports movement during the Kaiserreich. After World War II, he became the founder and first director of the German Sports University (Deutsche Sporthochschule) in Cologne. Because of his collaboration with Nazism as general secretary of the organization committee for the 1936 Olympics, he remains a controversial figure. For a recent assessment of the political debate about Diem's role during Nazism, see Kluge, Volker, “Zum aktuellen Stand der Diem Debatte,” Kurier. Informationen der Deutschen Sporthochschule Köln 25, no. 2 (2002): 1–4Google Scholar. Historian Frank Becker is currently working on a Diem biography; see Becker, Frank, “Perspektiven einer Carl Diem Biographie,” BIOS 2 (2005): 157–168Google Scholar. The president of the 1936 organizing committee was Lewald, a member of the International Olympic Committee (IOC) from 1924–1936, whose position was rather tenuous because he was partially Jewish. The Nazi regime drew on the international reputations of Lewald and Diem in order to deflect criticism of Nazi racial policies in the lead-up to the games. After 1936, Lewald was forced to retire and resign his post as IOC member. On Lewald, see Krüger, Arnd, Theodor Lewald. Sportführer ins Dritte Reich (Berlin: Bartels & Wernitz, 1975)Google Scholar. On Diem and Lewald's roles in the organization of the 1936 games, see Large, David Clay, Nazi Games: The Olympics of 1936 (New York: Norton, 2007)Google Scholar; and Teichler, Hans Joachim, Internationale Sportpolitik im Dritten Reich (Schorndorf: Hofmann, 1991)Google Scholar.

¹² Diem, Carl, Die Deutsche Hochschule für Leibesübungen (Berlin: DHfL, 1924), 5fGoogle Scholar.

¹³ CULDA, Sachakten Nr. 203.

¹⁴ The DRAL's socialist counterpart, the Central Commission for Sports and Physical Care (Zentralkommission für Sport und Körperpflege, ZAK) was significantly smaller, in part because many workers were members of the bürgerliche sports associations. The DRAL represented about 6.5 million members of sports and gymnastics federations in 1929. Eisenberg, “Massensport,” 147. In 1929, the ZAK represented about 1.2 million workers practicing sports, gymnastics, and/or other forms of physical exercise such as hiking. Wildung, Fritz, Arbeitersport (Berlin: Bücherkreis, 1929), 43–46Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Schiff, Alfred, “Zehn Jahre äussere Entwicklung,” in Die Deutsche Hochschule für Leibesübungen, 1920–1930, ed. Schiff, Alfred (Berlin: DHfL, 1930), 17fGoogle Scholar. In 1924/25 almost thirty-four percent of the budget came from the Reich, in 1928/29 almost forty-eight percent, in 1929/1930 about forty-four percent.

¹⁶ Mallwitz, Arthur, “Arbeit und Sport,” in Arbeit und Sport, ed. Gewerbehygiene, Deutsche Gesellschaft für (Berlin: Julius Springer, 1931), 8–18, especially 13fCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁷ Ibid., 14. Landesarchiv Berlin A Rep 001–02, Nr. 585 (continued), 77.

¹⁸ Beyer, Erich, “Sport in der Weimarer Republik,” in Geschichte der Leibesübungen, vol. 3.2, Leibesübungen und Sport in Deutschland vom Ersten Weltkrieg bis zur Gegenwart, ed. Ueberhorst, Horst (Berlin: Bartels und Wernitz, 1982), 657–700, especially 670fGoogle Scholar.

¹⁹ Eisenberg, “English Sports” und deutsche Bürger, 368.

²⁰ Carl Diem, in “Wörtliches Stenogramm,” negotiations in Breslau, October 14, 1924, 4, in CULDA, Sachakten, Nr. 16.

²¹ CULDA, Sachakte Nr. 16. The survey lists all in all 123 municipalities that either had a Stadtamt für Leibesübungen or smaller committees or departments of youth welfare offices concerned with the support and administration of local sporting activities. It also listed twenty-four cities that planned to create such offices or departments.

²² Dr. Wagner, in “Wörtliches Stenogramm,” negotiations in Breslau, October 14, 1924, 2, in CULDA, Sachakten, Nr. 16.

²³ Lewald, Theodor “Leibesübungen und Volksgesundheit,” in Die deutschen Leibesübungen. Grosses Handbuch für Turnen, Spiel und Sport, ed. Neuendorff, Edmund (Berlin and Leipzig: Wilhelm Andermann, 1927), 35–40Google Scholar.

²⁴ The DRAL commissioned expert reports by sixteen leading medical professors and public health officials in support of such claims. Among them were the surgeons August Bier (Berlin), Ferdinand Sauerbruch (Munich), Kümmell (Hamburg), the city medical councilor of Berlin Karl von Drigalski, the Berlin medical professors for hygiene Hahn and Max Rubner (the director of the first medical clinic of the Charité and the KWIA), Wilhelm His, and the Hamburg neurologist Max Nonne. Bier and Sauberbruch were among the most well-known medical professors in Germany. Both also lent their reputation to the DRAL by serving as directors of the DHfL from 1920 to 1932 (Bier) and 1932 to 1934 (Sauerbruch). Lewald, Sport, Wirtschaft, 9–23. In the view of Max Nonne sports would strengthen people's ability and will to work. Nonne, best known for his hypnotic treatment of war neurotics, evaluated nervous and disability claims in Hamburg. He was committed to exposing false pension claims by so-called pension neurotics. Lerner, Hysterical Men, 229. Killen, Berlin Electropolis, 207. Hans Hoske, Arbeit und Erholung im Lehrlingsalter (Hamburg: Deutschnationaler Handlungsgehilfenverband, n.d.), 4, 14, and 18f. Hoske cited statistics from the Reichspost and a large Berlin company that in his view demonstrated that exercise breaks significantly reduced sick days.

²⁵ Lewald, “Leibesübungen und Volksgesundheit,” 37ff.

²⁶ Landesarchiv Berlin A Rep 001–02, Nr. 585 (continued), citations 19 and 21.

²⁷ Ibid., citation 106 VS.

²⁸ Ibid., 53, 77, 78, and 110VS. At stake were the three million RM for the support of Leibesübungen within the Youth Welfare Fund mentioned above. The Landtag provided these funds unanimously, which is an indication of the high priority given to the support of Leibesübungen among all political parties. Böß himself was a member of the German Democratic Party (DDP).

²⁹ Poensgen, Ernst, “Die wirtschaftliche Bedeutung der Ge-So-Lei,” in GE-SO-LEI. Grosse Ausstellung Düsseldorf 1926 für Gesundheitspflege, Sozialfürsorge und Leibesübungen, ed. Schlossmann, Arthur and Fraenkel, Martha (Düsseldorf: Schwann, 1927), 15ffGoogle Scholar. On the Ge-So-Lei and other Weimar hygiene exhibitions, see Hau, Michael, The Cult of Health and Beauty in Germany: A Social History, 1890–1930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), 125–149Google Scholar.

³⁰ Horst Jerrmann, “Die sportlichen Veranstaltungen während der Gesolei,” in GE-SO-LEI, ed. Schlossmann and Fraenkel, 321–355. Most of the exhibitions were by men. Women, however, demonstrated their skills in apparatus gymnastics, horseback riding, waterskiing, and swimming, as well as in rhythmic gymnastics.

³¹ Luh, Andreas, Betriebssport zwischen Arbeitgeberinteressen und Arbeitnehmerbedürfnissen. Eine historische Analyse vom Kaiserreich bis zur Gegenwart (Aachen: Meyer & Meyer, 1998), 98–105, citation 98Google Scholar.

³² There is already a quite extensive literature on European physiology and work physiology. See, for example, Sarasin, Philipp, Geschichtswissenschaft und Diskursanalyse (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 2003), 61–99Google Scholar. Vatin, François, “Arbeit und Ermüdung. Entstehung und Scheitern der Psychophysiologie der Arbeit,” in Physiologie und industrielle Gesellschaft. Studien zur Verwissenschaftlichung des Körpers im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, ed. Sarasin, Philipp and Tanner, Jakob (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1998), 347–368Google Scholar. Rabinbach, Anson, The Human Motor: Energy, Fatigue, and the Origins of Modernity (New York: Basic Books, 1990)Google Scholar. On the relationship between physiology and elite sports, see Hoberman, John, Mortal Engines: The Science of Performance and the Dehumanization of Sport (New York: The Free Press, 1992)Google Scholar.

³³ Max-Planck-Gesellschaft (MPG) Archiv, I. Abt., Rep 1a, Nr. 1444, 11f. On the collaboration, see also Schottdorf, Gertrud, Arbeits- und Leistungsmedizin in der Weimarer Republik (Husum: Matthiesen, 1995), 107–117Google Scholar.

³⁴ Diem, Hochschule, 29ff. As the following discussion shows, however, the relationship between labor rationalization and sports was more complicated than a simple association between piecework rates (Akkord) and sports records (Rekord) would suggest. Becker, Frank, “Revolution des Körpers. Der Sport in Gesellschaftsentwürfen der klassischen Moderne,” in Der neue Mensch. Utopien, Leitbilder und Reformkonzepte zwischen den Weltkriegen, ed. Gerstner, Alexandra, Könczöl, Barbara, and Hentwig, Janina (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2006), 103–104, especially 103Google Scholar.

³⁵ Arbeitsphysiologie. Zeitschrift für die Physiologie des Menschen bei Arbeit und Sport 1 (1928/1929)–12 (1943/1944).

³⁶ Schmith, O., “Zur Physiologie der Sportbewegungen. Untersuchungen zur Frage einer allgemeinen und speziellen angewandten Bewegungslehre der Sportbewegungen,” Arbeitsphysiologie 5 (1932): 394–423Google Scholar.

³⁷ On the goals of work physiology research at the KWIA, see Bundesarchiv (BA) Berlin, R 1501, 108970/6, Bl. 298 and 299. Hanisch, Richard, “Wirtschaft und Leibesübungen,” Die Leibesübungen 3, no. 22 (1927): 532fGoogle Scholar.

³⁸ Diem, Hochschule, 31.

³⁹ MPG Archiv, I. Abt. Rep. 1 a, 135 f. and 201 ff.

⁴⁰ Atzler, Edgar, “Rationalisierung der menschlichen Arbeit vom physiologischen Gesichtspunkt,” in Anatomie und Physiologie der Arbeit, ed. Atzler, Edgar and Lehmann, Gunther (Halle: Marhold, 1930), 273–289, especially 276Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Carl Diem, “Vom Wandel der Praxis,” in Deutsche Hochschule, ed. Schiff, 79f.

⁴² Herbst, Robert, “Sport und Arbeit,” in Körper und Arbeit. Handbuch der Arbeitsphysiologie, ed. Atzler, Edgar (Leipzig: Georg Thieme, 1927), 730ffGoogle Scholar.

⁴³ BA Berlin-Lichterfelde, R1501, Nr. 126782/1, Bl. 178h.

⁴⁴ Herbst, “Sport und Arbeit,” 716–733, especially 716ff and 727ff.

⁴⁵ Edgar Atzler, “Das Ermüdungsproblem vom arbeitsphysiologischen Standpunkt,” in Anatomie und Physiologie der Arbeit, ed. Atzler and Lehmann, 290–313, especially 290ff. Here I would disagree with John Hoberman who has characterized medical opposition to exaggerated performance enhancement in sports as part of a pre-modern attitude. This is in my opinion not helpful, because the “modernity” of such attitudes depends on their context. By adhering to hygienic prescriptions of moderation in exercise, scientists such as Herbst did not express pre-modern skepticism about the possibilities of scientific performance enhancement in sports. Hoberman, John M., “The Early Development of Sports Medicine in Germany,” in Sport and Exercise Science: Essays in the History of Medicine, ed. Berryman, John W. and Park, Roberta J. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1992), 233–282, especially 243–249Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ Edgar Atzler, “Physiologische Rationalisierung,” in Körper und Arbeit, ed. Atzler, 407–487, especially 409–420. Schottdorf, Arbeits- und Leistungsmedizin, 88ff.

⁴⁷ Richard Wetzell has shown for German criminologists that German eugenicists did not always adhere to a strict genetic determinism; see Wetzell, Richard F., Inventing the Criminal: A History of German Criminology, 1880–1945 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000)Google Scholar. Richard F. Wetzell, “Kriminalbiologische Forschungen an der DFA für Psychiatrie,” in Rassenforschung an Kaiser-Wilhelm-Instituten, ed. Schmuhl, 68–98.

⁴⁸ Herbst, “Sport und Arbeit,” citation 729.

⁴⁹ On Kohlrausch, see Uhlmann, Angelika, “Der Sport ist der praktische Arzt am Krankenlager des deutschen Volkes. Wolfgang Kohlrausch und die Geschichte der deutschen Sportmedizin” (Ph.D. diss., University of Freiburg, 2004)Google Scholar, accessible at http://freidok.ub.uni-freiburg.de/volltexte/1590/.

⁵⁰ On Kretschmer's constitutional typology and Weimar culture, see Hau, Michael, “The Holistic Gaze in German Medicine, 1890–1930,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 74 (2000): 495–524CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

⁵¹ Herbst, “Sport und Arbeit,” 730.

⁵² During the Weimar years, the renowned German Psychiatric Institute in Munich, which would become notorious after 1933 for its promotion of Nazi racial hygiene under its director Ernst Rüdin, received considerable sums of Rockefeller Foundation money, as did the Brain Research Institute of the Kaiser-Wilhelm-Society in Berlin. Because of the prevalence of hereditarian assumptions in psychiatry, the research at both institutions had strong eugenic implications. Weindling, Paul, “The Rockefeller Foundation and German Biomedical Sciences, 1920–1940: From Educational Philanthropy to International Science Policy,” in Science, Politics, and the Public Good, ed. Rupke, Nicolaas A. (London: Macmillan, 1988), 119–140CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On Rockefeller support for the biomedical sciences in Europe, see Schneider, William H., Rockefeller Philanthropy and Modern Biomedicine: International Initiatives from World War I to the Cold War (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002)Google Scholar.

⁵³ Volker Roelcke, “Die psychiatrische Genetik an der DFA für Psychiatrie,” in Rassenforschung an Kaiser-Wilhelm-Instituten, ed. Schmuhl, 54f.

⁵⁴ Letter Prof. Rautmann to Dean of the Berlin University Medical Faculty, Prof. Gocht, March 4, 1933, in Archiv der Humboldtuniversität, Med. Fak. Nr. 275, Bl. 37. Fritz Duras, “Die ärztliche Überwachung der Studierenden an der Universität Freiburg i. B.,” in ibid., Bl. 40–44. Schlink, Edmund, “Über den Einfluss der Leibesübungen auf den Atemtypus,” in Arbeitsphysiologie (1932): 596–604, especially 598fGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁵ Duras, “Ärztliche Überwachung,” citation Bl. 41.

⁵⁶ This distinction between Weimar and Nazi practices is important. During the Nazi period these surveys were part of the admission process, and they were used to exclude students from university studies if they were considered “physically inferior”; see Bodó, Béla, “The Medical Examination and Biological Selection of University Students in Nazi Germany,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 76 (2002): 719–748CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed. This is not to say that the physicians cited here rejected eugenics. According to Rautmann, eugenics (Rassenhygiene), better living conditions, and physical exercise were all important factors for the improvement of the physical performance potential of German students in the long run, because some physical deficits were based on hereditary predispositions. Rautmann's main emphasis, however, was on programs of remedial or therapeutic exercise. He did not specify how racial hygiene was supposed to improve the physical condition of students. Rautmann, Hermann, “Zur ärztlichen Untersuchung der Deutschen Studentenschaft, Sonderdruck,” Deutsche Medizinische Wochenschrift 18 (1924): 12Google Scholar, in Archiv der Humboldt Universität, Med. Fak. Nr. 275, Bl. 78.

⁵⁷ Duras, “Ärztliche Überwachung,” citation Bl. 41.

⁵⁸ Ibid., Bl. 42.

⁵⁹ Diem, Hochschule, 28f.

⁶⁰ Beck, Herta, Leistung und Volksgemeinschaft. Der Sportarzt und Sozialhygieniker Hans Hoske, 1900–1970 (Husum: Matthiesen Verlag, 1991), 14–37Google Scholar.

⁶¹ Ibid., 42–47. On life reform and popular hygiene during the Weimar Republic, see Hau, Cult of Health, chap. 6.

⁶² Edgar Atzler, Report on Mining Expedition (1926), in MPG Archiv I. Abt. Rep 1a, Nr 1354, Bl. 92.

⁶³ Gersbach, Alfons, Die Ergebnisse der Sportbiologischen Untersuchungen bei der ersten Internationalen Arbeiterolympiade in Frankfurt am Main, im Juli 1925 (Frankfurt: Zentralkommission für Sport- und Körperpflege, 1927), 6 and 9Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ Georg Heinrich Schneider, “Blutgruppenuntersuchungen,” in Ergebnisse, ed. Gersbach, 31–54, especially 47.

⁶⁵ Ernst Schwarz, “Körpermessungen,” in Ergebnisse, ed. Gersbach, 55–66, especially 64ff.

⁶⁶ See, for example, Wesp, Gabriela, Frisch, Fromm, Fröhlich, Frau. Frauen und Sport in der Weimarer Republik (Frankfurt: Ulrike Helmer, 1998), 161ffGoogle Scholar. Pfister, Gertrud, “The Medical Discourse on Female Physical Culture in Germany in the 19th and Early 20th Centuries,” Journal of Sport History 17 (1990): 183–198, especially 191ffGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁷ Wolfgang Kohlrausch, “Körperbau und Wachstum,” in Deutsche Hochschule, ed. Schiff, 53.

⁶⁸ Brinkschulte, Körperertüchtigung, 109 and 117f.

⁶⁹ Carla Verständig, “Frauensport,” in Deutsche Hochschule, ed. Schiff, 83–86.

⁷⁰ Böß denounced “sentimental and unnatural” beauty ideals as well as the prudish “coddling” (Verzärtelung) of women and urged them to work on their health and beauty by pursuing sports. He was also the driving force behind the building of a dormitory for female sports students at the DHfL. Landesarchiv Berlin A Rep 001–02, Nr. 585 (continued), 20f. Franz Kirchberg, “Die Tätigkeit des Sportlehrers im Dienste der allgemeinen Körperpflege,” in Deutsche Hochschule, ed. Schiff, 41. For examples of a greater emphasis on women's productivity, see also Planert, “Körper des Volkes,” 573ff.

⁷¹ Carl Diem, “Frauenstudium” in Deutsche Hochschule, ed. Schiff, 89. Kohlrausch, “Körperbau und Wachstum,” 53f.

⁷² Meskill, David, “Characterological Psychology and the German Political Economy in the Weimar Period (1919–1933),” History of Psychology 7, no. 1 (2004): 3–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On German psycho-technics, see also Meskill, David, “Human Economies: Labor Administration, Vocational Training, and Psychological Testing in Germany, 1914–1964” (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 2003)Google Scholar. Geuter, Ulfried, The Professionalization of German Psychology in Nazi Germany (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Métraux, Alexandré, “Die angewandte Psychologie vor und nach 1933 in Deutschland,” in Psychologie im Nationalsozialismus, ed. Graumann, Carl Friedrich (Berlin: Springer, 1985)Google Scholar.

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⁷⁴ Letter Schulte to Diem, March 4, 1931, in CULDA, Sachakten, Nr. 28. On Schulte, see Lück, Helmut, “‘Und halte Lust und Leid und Leben auf meiner ausgestreckten Hand.’ Zu Leben und Werk von Robert Werner Schulte,” in Arbeiten zur Psychologiegeschichte, ed. Gundlach, Horst (Göttingen: Hogrefe, 1994), 39–48Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ As a psycho-technician Schulte had a reputation in both fields. He worked regularly as a consultant for private industry. See, for example, Schulte, Robert, Eignungsprüfungen im Schreibmaschinenbau (Stuttgart: Ferdinand Enke, 1926)Google Scholar. He was also responsible for the Psycho-technical Main Laboratory for Sports and Vocational Science of the Prussian police and counseled municipal welfare, health, youths, and work offices in matters of social welfare and sports. Robert W. Schulte, Eignungs- und Leistungsprüfung im Sport. Die psychologische Methodik der Wissenschaft von den Leibesübungen (Berlin: Guido Hackebeil, 1925), 7. Schulte, Robert W., Leistungssteigerung in Turnen, Spiel und Sport. Grundlinien einer Psychobiologie der Leibesübungen (Oldenburg: Gerh. Stalling, 1926)Google Scholar. Schulte, Robert W., Die Psychologie der Leibesübungen. Ein Überblick über das Gesamtgebiet (Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1928)Google Scholar. In addition to working for the DHfL, Schulte directed the psycho-technical laboratory at the Prussian College for Physical Exercise in Berlin-Spandau (Preussische Hochschule für Leibesübungen), a school that mostly trained gymnastics teachers for Prussian schools. The Preussische Hochschule was the former Preussische Landesturnanstalt whose director Edmund Neuendorff was not on friendly terms with the DHfL, because he favored German gymnastics over sports. On the tensions between sports and gymnastics during the Weimar Republic, see Eisenberg, “English Sports” und deutsche Bürger, 374–380. On the activities of the Preussische Hochschule, see Neuendorff, Edmund, Bericht über die Arbeit der Preussischen Hochschule für Leibesübungen in den Jahren 1925–1931 (Berlin: PHfL, 1932)Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ Schulte, Eignungs- und Leistungsprüfung, 12.

⁷⁷ Ibid, 46f.

⁷⁸ Ibid, 13 and 30.

⁷⁹ Diem, Hochschule, 32ff.

⁸⁰ Schulte, Eignungs- und Leistungsprüfung, 26.

⁸¹ Ibid., 131f and 44f.

⁸² Letter Schulte to Diem, March 4, 1931, in CULDA, Sachakten, Nr. 28. In this letter, Schulte also refers to personal tensions with other staff members at the DHfL that made him leave.

⁸³ Carl Diem, Aufzeichnungen für den Besuch von Ministerialdirektor Richter in der DHfL am 13. Januar 1930, in CULDA, Sachakten Nr. 191, 6f.

⁸⁴ Ibid., 4f.

⁸⁵ Eisenberg, “English Sports” und deutsche Bürger, 360.

⁸⁶ Sippel, Hanns, Leibesübungen und geistige Leistung (Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1927)Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ Ibid., 16–19.

⁸⁸ Ibid., 21–29.

⁸⁹ Ibid., 103.

⁹⁰ Tätigkeitsbericht DHfL WS 1925/26 in CULDA, Sachakten Nr. 21, Nr. 188.

⁹¹ Sippel, Hanns, Körper—Geist—Seele. Grundlage einer Psychologie der Leibesübungen (Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1926), 7–13Google Scholar. Hanns Sippel, “Psychologie der Leibesübungen,” in Deutsche Hochschule, ed. Schiff, 72–75.

⁹² Sippel, Leibesübungen und geistige Leistung, 124–128.

⁹³ Diem, Hochschule, 6. The psychological transformation of individuals through sports was a major theme running through Diem's theoretical writings on physical education.

⁹⁴ On DINTA, see Nolan, Visions of Modernity, chap. 9. Campbell, Joy in Work, 243–275. Fasbender, Sebastian, Zwischen Arbeitersport und Arbeitssport. Werksport an Rhein und Ruhr 1921–1938 (Göttingen: Cuvillier, 1997), 46ff. and 83–90Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ Mengerinhausen, Max, “Die Erziehung des Arbeiters zur Arbeit,” Die Umschau 31 (1927): 1010ffGoogle Scholar.

⁹⁶ Fasbender, Arbeitersport und Arbeitssport, 49.

⁹⁷ Ibid., 53 and 63.

⁹⁸ Riedel, Hans, “Sport und Turnen in der technischen Arbeitsschulung,” Arbeitsschulung 1 (1929): 8–11Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ The list of large corporations and mid-sized firms that supported sports among their employees in one way or another is very long. According to an incomplete list by F. W. von der Linde of the Union of German Employer Associations, there were more than 100 plants of major corporations or mid-sized firms that supported sporting facilities or company sports clubs. Among the large corporations, there were Siemens, the United Steel Works, and IG Farben. Many also introduced regular gymnastics and sports lessons for their apprentices. von der Linde, F. W., “Arbeiter und Leibesübungen,” Arbeit und Sport. Beiheft (1931): 59–62Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ Maschke, Walter, “Arbeiter und Leibesübungen,” Arbeit und Sport. Beiheft (1931): 63–67CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Maschke was the youth secretary of the socialist-leaning free trade union league Allgemeiner Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (ADGB).

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¹⁰³ Uhlmann, “Sport ist der praktische Arzt,” 4.

¹⁰⁴ On such preventive and rehabilitative trends in German welfare and social work, see Hong, Welfare, especially 58–65 and 203ff.

¹⁰⁵ An excellent example for this complementarity of eugenics and sports as a form of preventive hygiene is provided by the work of the psychiatrist Ewald Stier. While he favored the compulsory sterilization of “degenerative psychopaths,” he also advocated sports and rational body care to promote the productivity of the workforce. Stier was a key character in the debate on pension neurosis and its costs to the German state. On Stier, see Killen, Berlin Electropolis, especially 207.

¹⁰⁶ Eghigian, Disability, Insurance, and the Birth of the Social Entitlement State. Hong, Welfare, 250–256 and 271–276.

¹⁰⁷ Fasbender, Arbeitersport und Arbeitssport, 149ff.

¹⁰⁸ Weindling, Health, Race, and German Politics, 522–534.

¹⁰⁹ Siegel and von Freyberg, Industrielle Rationalisierung, 87ff.

¹¹⁰ Felsch, Philipp, “Volkssport. Zur Ökonomie der körperlichen Leistungsprüfung im Nationalsozialismus,” SportZeit 1, no. 3 (2001): 5–29Google Scholar.

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¹¹² Luh, Betriebssport, 216–260 and 290–322. On the KdF in general, see Baranowski, Shelley, Strength through Joy: Consumerism and Mass Tourism in the Third Reich (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004)Google Scholar.

¹¹³ On the role of sports in conditioning the attitudes of German soldiers, see Cachay, Klaus, “Echte Sportler”—“gute Soldaten.” Die Sportsozialisation des Nationalsozialismus im Spiegel von Feldpostbriefen (Weinheim: Juventa, 2000)Google Scholar.

¹¹⁴ On these aspects, see the materials collected by Schreckenberg, Heinz, Erziehung, Lebenswelt, und Kriegseinsatz der deutschen Jugend unter Hitler. Anmerkungen zur Literatur (Münster: Lit, 2001)Google Scholar.

¹¹⁵ Archiv Humboldtuniversität, Rektor und Senat, Nr. 258/1 and 259. Luh, Betriebssport, 275–280 and 309.

¹¹⁶ Read, John, “Physical Culture and Sport in the early Soviet Period,” Australian Slavonic and East European Studies 10 (1996): 59–84, especially 63–68 and 79ffGoogle Scholar. Rowley, Alison, “Sport in the Service of the State: Images of Physical Culture and Soviet Women, 1917–1941,” The International Journal of the History of Sport 23, no. 8 (2006): 1314–1340, especially 1330ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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