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The Search for the “Other Germany”: Refugee Historians from Nazi Germany and the Contested Historical Legacy of the Resistance to Hitler

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 July 2014

Marjorie Lamberti*
Affiliation:
Middlebury College

Extract

During his visit to the Federal Republic of Germany in the summer of 1954, Fritz Stern, a young history professor at Columbia University, witnessed in Berlin the memorial service for the victims of the July 20, 1944, revolt against Hitler. His feelings were stirred at the sight of the sorrowful faces of the widows and children of the conspirators who were executed in the aftermath of the failed assassination attempt, and by President Theodor Heuss's speech, recalling the anguish and courage of the Germans who made the decision to rebel in an act of atonement. Born in Germany in 1926 to Protestant parents of Jewish ancestry, Stern experienced racist antisemitism in the Third Reich firsthand before his family emigrated in 1938. He returned to Germany with conflicted emotions. During World War II, when the magnitude of the annihilation of European Jewry was uncovered, he felt intense hatred toward National Socialism. The distinction between German and Nazi became blurred. And yet, he could not bring himself to hold the German people collectively guilty for such crimes and to reject his native land. At the ceremony he struggled with his own feelings, saying to himself at first that “their purposes had not been ours.” Then a sense of shame for his indiscriminate hatred overwhelmed him. He left Germany in August “purged of hatred—though not disloyal to the feelings of the past, and full of forebodings about the future.”

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Other Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Central European History Society of the American Historical Association 2014 

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References

1 See the accounts of his experience at the memorial service on July 20, 1954, in Stern, Fritz, “The Fragmented People That Is Germany,” Commentary 19 (February 1955): 137–38Google Scholar; Stern, Fritz, Five Germanys I Have Known (New York: Farrar, Strauss & Giroux, 2006), 212–13Google Scholar.

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7 Ibid., 100–101, 126–30, 166–70.

8 Ibid., 205–08.

9 Ibid., 219–221.

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22 Quoted in Berg, Der Holocaust und die westdeutschen Historiker, 166; Eckel, Hans Rothfels, 223–24.

23 Rothfels, The German Opposition, 34.

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39 Gerhard Weinberg, a refugee historian of the second generation, followed this model in A World at Arms: A Global History of World War II (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 753–54Google Scholar. He thought that the preparations of the coup in 1944 were “more sensible than some critics have maintained,” and that lack of support for the revolt among the generals reduced the chances for success. Weinberg stated in July 20, 1944: The Plot to Kill Hitler,” in Weinberg, Gerhard, World in the Balance: Behind the Scenes of World War II (Hanover: Brandeis University Press, 1981), 146–47Google Scholar, that the “Resistance legacy” provided Germans after 1945 with moral signposts and that it was important “to know that inside Germany some men and women tried to end the tyranny themselves, at the risk of everything and at the price of their lives.”

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77 Von Klemperer, Voyage through the Twentieth Century, 129.

78 See his rebuttal to the interpretations of Mommsen and Müller in von Klemperer, “Der deutsche Widerstand gegen den Nationalsozialismus im Lichte der konservativen Tradition,” 269–78.

79 von Klemperer, Klemens, “Reflections and Reconsiderations on the German Resistance,” Kirchliche Zeitgeschichte 1 (1988): 17Google Scholar, 19.

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86 Von Klemperer, German Resistance against Hitler, 432 and 6–7.

87 Ibid., 94–95, 99, 103–07, 178, 217–20, 226–28.

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101 Stern, Fritz, “Address,” in Contending with Hitler, ed. Large, 23Google Scholar.

102 Stern, Five Germanys I Have Known, 495.

103 Von Klemperer, German Resistance against Hitler, viii.

104 Marlies Emmerich, “Die Fragezeichen sind geblieben,” Berliner Zeitung, July 23, 1994; Von Klemperer, Deutscher Widerstand gegen Hitler—Gedanken eines Historikers und Zeitzeugen, 8–9; Neuss, Raimund, “Wem gehört der Deutsche Widerstand? Der Streit zum 50. Jahrestag des 20. Juli 1944,” German Life and Letters 49 (1996): 101–19.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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106 Stern, Fritz, Die Menschen des 20. Juli sind ein Teil deutscher und europäischer Geschichte (Berlin: Gedenkstätte Deutscher Widerstand, 2010)Google Scholar, 2. The Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Die Welt, and Süddeutsche Zeitung published reports on Stern's address.

107 Stern, “The Fragmented People That Is Germany,” 138. See also Stern, Fritz, “Introduction,” in Stern, Fritz, Dreams and Delusions: The Drama of German History (New York: Knopf, 1987)Google Scholar, 4.

108 Stern, Five Germanys I Have Known, 437–41.

109 Stern, Die Menschen des 20. Juli, 2. See his most recent study of the Resistance in Sifton, Elisabeth and Stern, Fritz, No Ordinary Men: Dietrich Bonhoeffer and Hans von Dohnanyi, Resisters Against Hitler in Church and State (New York: New York Review Books, 2013).Google Scholar

110 Stern, Five Germanys I Have Known, 428.

111 Fritz Stern, “National Socialism as Temptation,” in Stern, Dreams and Delusions, 149–50.

112 Ibid., 191.

113 Von Klemperer, Deutscher Widerstand gegen Hitler—Gedanken eines Historikers und Zeitzeugen, 3; von Klemperer, Voyage through the Twentieth Century, 106, 130.

114 Von Klemperer, Deutscher Widerstand gegen Hitler—Gedanken eines Historikers und Zeitzeugen, 7; von Klemperer, Klemens, Die “Verbindung zur Grossen Welt.” Die Aussenbeziehungen des deutschen Widerstandes 1938–1945 (Berlin: Gedenkstätte Deutscher Widerstand, 1989).Google Scholar

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117 Mosse, George, Confronting History: A Memoir (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 2000)Google Scholar, 73, 78.

118 Ibid., 219. See his exploration of a distinctive German-Jewish identity in Mosse, George L., German Jews beyond Judaism (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1985)Google Scholar. For an appraisal of Mosse's historical scholarship, see Herf, Jeffrey, “The Historian as Provocateur: George Mosse's Accomplishment and Legacy,” Yad Vashem Studies 29 (2001): 727.Google Scholar