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Rethinking Nazism and Religion: How Anti-Christian were the “Pagans”?

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 December 2008

Richard Steigmann-Gall
Richard Steigmann-Gall
Affiliation:
Kent State University
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Extract

In June 1937, a thirteen-year-old boy by the name of Fritz Brüggemann wrote Heinrich Himmler, the Reichsführer-SS and head of the German police, asking for some theological advice. Himmler, a leading “neopagan” in the Nazi movement, had formally left the Catholic Church in 1936, but had been lost to Christianity years before. Fritz Brüggemann had also left his church, which meant that he, like Himmler, formally went by the designation gottgläubig (literally “believing in God”). Those designated as “believing in God” did not just avoid church taxes; they were also making a statement about their rejection of Germany's two confessions and their interest in a new völkisch alternative. Still, for this young Hitler Youth squad leader from Schönebeck, a speech on religion delivered to his troop was causing him concern. He was not sure if he had heard correctly, but he thought he understood the speaker to say that Jesus had been a Jew. He wrote to see if the Reichsführer-SS could perhaps enlighten him on this question. He received a reply from Rudolf Brandt, Himmler's personal assistant and a leading figure in his entourage. “The Reichsführer is of the opinion,” wrote Brandt, “that Christ was not a Jew. You must certainly have misunderstood the speaker.”

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Central European History , Volume 36 , Issue 1 , March 2003 , pp. 75 - 105
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Copyright © Conference Group for Central European History of the American Historical Association 2003

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References

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80. Ibid., 156: “All Himmler's rules for married life were designed to divorce his SS men from the Christian church. A man could only be promoted Commander if he turned his back on the church and declared himself ‘a believer in God’ …”

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88. In a 1937 speech, Himmler declared: “The worst blow that Christianity ever took against us has been the blow against ancestors and ancestor worship”: 18 February 1937, MA 311, IfZ.

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94. 20 September 1935, Schu 245/2/134–135, BAZ.

95. Speech at the Feldkommandostelle Russland-Süd, 16 September 1942, F 37/3, IfZ.

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98. Ibid., 148–49.

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102. 14 April 1942, MA 327, IfZ.

103. Kersten Memoirs, 35 (emphasis added).

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105. 10 January 1941, NS 19/712/2, BAZ. What form this remembrance would take is not indicated in the files.

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107. As Harnack put it; “The rejection of the Old Testament in the second century was a mistake which the great church rightly avoided; to maintain it in the sixteenth century was a fate from which the Reformation was not yet able to escape; but still to preserve it in Protestantism as a canonical document since the nineteenth century is the consequence of a religious and ecclesiastical crippling”: von Harnack, Adolf, Marcion: the Gospel of the Alien God, trans. Steely, John and Bierma, Lyle (Durham, N.C., 1990 [orig. 1920]), 134–35Google Scholar. For more on Kulturprotestantismus and racialist antisemitism, see Thalmann, Rita, “Die Schwäche des Kulturprotestantimus bei der Bekämpfung des Antisemitismus,” in Protestantismus und Antisemitismus in der Weimarer Republik, ed. Nowak, Kurt and Raulet, Gérard (Frankfurt am Main, 1994)Google Scholar.

108. See, for instance, Rémond, René, ed., “Special Issue: Anticlericalism,” European Studies Review 13 (1983)Google Scholar.