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3. Craig, Gordon A., Germany 1866–1945 (New York, 1978), pp. 10, 96–97Google Scholar; Lees's, Andrew analysis in Revolution and Reflection: Intellectual Change in Germany during the 1850's (The Hague, 1974), pp. 125–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar, of liberal views in the 1850s shows how small a step the liberal compromise with Bismarck actually was. See also, Krieger, Leonard, The German Idea of Freedom (Boston, 1947), p. 458Google Scholar; Lichtheim, George, Marxism (London, 1961), p. 261Google Scholar; Abendroth, Wolfgang, Aufstieg und Krise der deutschen Sozialdemokratie (Frankfurt, 1964), p. 39Google Scholar; Lidtke, p. 228.

4. Roth, Guenther, The Social Democrats in Imperial Germany (Totowa, N.J., 1963), p. 59Google Scholar; Ritter, Gerhard A., Die Arbeiterbewegung in Wilhelminischen Reich: 1890–1900 (Berlin, 1959)Google Scholar, and Groh, Dieter, Negative Integration und Revolutionärer Attentismus (Frankfurt, 1973), especially pp. 36–39, 60–61Google Scholar, for discussions of the contradictory ways in which Social Democrats interacted with the broader society of which they were a part.

5. Krieger, pp. 460–61; Sheehan, pp. 191, 205–6, 213; Müller-Platenberg, Urs, Der Freisinn nach Bismarcks Sturz (inaugural diss., Free Univ., Berlin, 1971), pp. 37, 45Google Scholar; Seeber, Gustav, Zwischen Bebel und Bismarck: Zur Geschichte der Linksliberalismus in Deutschland 1871–1893 (Berlin, 1965), p. 148Google Scholar; Schmidt, Gustav, “Die Nationalliberalen—eine regierüungsfähige Partei? Zur Problematik der inneren Reichsgründung, 1870–1878,” Ritter, Gerhard A., ed., Deutsche Parteien vor 1918 (Cologne, 1973), pp. 208–23Google Scholar; Snell, John, The Democratic Movement in Germany, 1789–1914 (Chapel Hill, 1976), pp. 176–81.Google Scholar

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7. Höhle, Thomas, Franz Mehring: Sein Weg zum Marxismus, 1869–1891 (Berlin, 1958), p. 173Google Scholar; Seeber, Gustav and Wittwer, Walter, Kleinbürgerliche Demokratie im Bismarck-Staat (Berlin, 1971), pp. 112–14Google Scholar; Seeber, pp. 58–60; Sheehan, pp. 207–8, 210. For the effects of the Great Depression see Rosenberg, Hans, Grosse Depression und Bismarckzeit: Wirtschaftsablauf, Gesellschaft, und Politik in Mitteleuropa (Berlin, 1967).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

8. Ratz, Ursula, Georg Ledebour: 1850 bis 1947: Weg und Wirken eines sozialistischen Politikers (Berlin, 1969), pp. 32–33 and passimCrossRefGoogle Scholar; McDougall, Glen, “Franz Mehring: Politics and History in the Making of Radical German Social Democracy 1869–1903” (unpub. Ph.D. diss., Columbia Univ., New York, 1977).Google Scholar

9. What information exists on Mehring's early life is scattered throughout the corpus of his work. See Mehring, , Die deutsche Sozialdemokratie, Ihr Geschichte und Ihre Lehre, 3d ed. (Bremen, 1879), p. xGoogle Scholar; Letter Mehring to Kautsky of Dec. 1, 1892, in International Institute for Social History, Amsterdam, Kautsky Archiv (hereafter KA), K.D.XVII.29; Kapital und Presse, Ein Nachspiel zum Fall Lindau (Berlin, 1891), pp. 60, 30Google Scholar; “Onckens Lassalle,” Neue Zeit (hereafter NZ) 13, pt. 1 (1905–5): 521Google Scholar; “Unsere akademische Jugend,” Weser-Zeitung, no. 12434, morning ed. of Aug. 8, 1884. See also the 2d ed. of his Deutsche Sozialdemokratie (Bremen 1878), pp. ix, 7.Google Scholar On his early political development, he noted “for more or less twenty years we were participants in all attempts to create a principled bourgeois democratic paper. The Zukunft, the Demokratische Zeitung, the Wage, the Demokratischen Blätter—it was always the same misery.” “Ein alter Demokrat,” 10 23, 1909, NZ 27, pt. 1 (1909–1910): 129.Google Scholar For brief biographies of Weiss and Jacoby and their influence on Mehring see his articles, “Johann Jacoby und die wissenschaftliche Sozialismus,” Grünbergs Archiv 1 (1911): 449–57Google Scholar; “Johann Jacoby,” 05 3, 1905, NZ 23, pt. 2 (1904–1905)Google Scholar, in Gesammelte Schriften (Berlin, 1960–1967, hereafter GS) 7:317–21Google Scholar; “Zwei Nachrufe,” NZ 17, pt. 1 (1898–1899): 545–48.Google Scholar See also, Krieger, pp. 391–93; Seeber and Wittwer, pp. 19–39, 45–46; Seeber, pp. 8–12. On Mehring and the Frankfurter Zeitung see Geschichte der Frankfurter Zeitung 1856 bis 1906 (Frankfurt, 1906), p. 239Google Scholar and Bernstein, Eduard, “Franz Mehring zu seinem siebzigsten Geburtstag,” NZ 24, pt. 1 (1915–1916): 674.Google Scholar For a discussion of the general liberal view of the social question from the 1850s on see Lees, pp. 140–46.

10. Volksstaat, nos. 100 and 104 of Aug. 8 and Sept. 9, 1876, and Protokoll des Socialisten Congress zu Gotha vom 19 bis 23 August 1876 (Berlin, 1876), p. 52.Google Scholar Kautsky wrote for the Frankfurter Zeitung as late as 1884. See Protokoll über die Verhandlungen des Parteitages der Sozialdemokratischen Partei zu Dresden (Berlin, 1903), p. 175Google Scholar; Letter Engels to August Bebel of Mar. 18, 1875 in August Bebel, Briefwechsel mit Friedrich Engels (The Hague, 1965), p. 28.Google Scholar The widely pervasive eclecticism of German socialism in these years made such contacts possible. See Steinberg, pp. 13–15.

11. Letter Mehring to Kautsky of Dec. 1, 1892 in International Institute for Social History, Amsterdam, KA, K.D.XVII.29; Mehring, , Kapital und Presse: Ein Nachspiel zum Fall Lindau (Berlin, 1891), p. 60Google Scholar; Die Deutsche Sozialdemokratie, 2d ed., p. ix; “Unsere akademische Jugend,” Weser-Zeitung, no. 12434, morning ed. of Aug. 8, 1884; “Jeremia Sauerampfer und Johannes Scherr,” Die Wage 3, no. 4 (01 22, 1875): 59Google Scholar; “Der Kongress der Eisenacher,” Frankfurter Zeitung, no. 207, 2d ed. of July 26, 1874. For Lassalle's influence on social democracy see Steinberg, pp. 13–19.

12. “Die Sozialdemokratie im Reichstag,” Frankfurter Zeitung no. 142, 2d ed. of May 22, 1874; no. 170, 2d ed. of June 19, 1874; no. 251, 1st ed. of Aug. 3, 1874; no. 294, morning ed. of Oct. 21, 1874; no. 148, 1st ed. of Mar. 28, 1874; “Der Kongress der Eisenacher,” op. cit. AlsoMehring, , Herr von Treitschke der Sozialistentöter und die Endziele des Liberalismus: Ein sozialistische Replik (Leipzig, 1875)Google Scholar. Despite the title, Mehring was never a member of the SPD before 1891. For a different interpretation of Mehring's early views on the social problem see Höhle, p. 64.

13. “Die Sozialdemokratie im Reichstag,” op. cit.

14. For the influence of the Verein für Sozialpolitik on social democracy, see Lidtke, pp. 62–65; Roth, pp. 136–43; Vogel, Walter, Bismarcks Arbeiterversicherung: Ihre Entstehung im Kraftspiel der Zeit (Braunschwieg, 1951), pp. 67–92Google Scholar; Ascher, Abraham, “Professors as Propagandists: The Politics of the Kathedersozialisten,” Journal of Central European Affairs 8 (10 1963): 282–302Google Scholar; Schaeffle, Albert, The Quintessence of Socialism (London, 1890)Google Scholar; Bowen, Ralph, German Theories of the Corporative State (New York, 1947), pp. 121–37Google Scholar; Bartel, Horst, “Zur Politik und zum Kampf der deutschen Sozialdemokratie gegen die Bismarcksche Sozialreformpolitik und gegen den Rechtsopportunismus in den Jahren 1881/84,” Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft 6 (1958): 1089–106.Google Scholar

15. The reasons for his break concern political and personal factors which are too complicated and also irrelevant to the argument of this article to be treated here. For a discussion see Höhle, pp. 107–56 and McDougall, pp. 45–89. See Mehring's anti-socialist Die Deutsche Sozialdemokratie, op. cit., pp. 97, 211–12, 179–82.

16. “Die liberale Partei und die Arbeiter,” Weser-Zeitung, no. 10959, morning ed. of July 21, 1877; “Die preussischen Fabrikinspektoren und ihre Berichte,” Grenzboten 2, pt. 2 (1878): 292, 296Google Scholar; “Fabrikinspectoren: Bannbrecher des Friedens,” Gartenlaube no. 8 of 1879, pp. 134–35. He was strongly influenced by Brentano's, LujoDas Arbeiterverhältniss gemäss dem heutigen Recht (Leipzig, 1877)Google Scholar and Schmoller's, GustavZur Geschichte der deutschen Kleingewerbe im 19. Jahrhundert (1870)Google Scholar. See also Sheehan, James J., Lujo Brentano: A Study of Liberalism and Social Reform in Imperial Germany (Chicago, 1966).Google Scholar

17. See Weser-Zeitung, nos. 11607, morning and noon eds. of May 6, 1879; no. 11611, morning ed. of May 8, 1879; no. 11612, morning ed. of May 11, 1879; no. 11621, morning ed. of May 20, 1879; no. 12770, morning ed. of August 23, 1882. On the Secessionists see Krieger, pp. 459–61 and Sheehan, Liberalism, pp. 207–9.

18. “Der Leipziger Hochverratsprozess,” Weser-Zeitung, no. 12502 of Oct. 25, 1881; “Deutsches Reich,” nos. 12865, 12755 of Oct. 26 and July 8, 1882.

19. “Zur Kritik des Unfallversicherungsgesetzes,” Weser-Zeitung, nos. 12278, 12280 of Mar. 13 and 15, 1881; “Die liberale Partei und die Arbeiter,” no. 10958, morning ed. of July 20, 1877. On Bismarck's social policy see Vogel, pp. 22–29, 67–89, 132–73; Lidtke, pp. 158–64; Sheehan, Brentano, p. 77; Bartel, pp. 1089–106.

20. Herr Hofprediger Stöcker der Socialpolitiker (Bremen, 1882), pp. 39, 42–43, 52–53, 47.Google Scholar

21. “Deutsches Reich,” Weser-Zeitung, no. 13468, morning ed. of June 26, 1884; no. 13291, morning ed. of Dec. 30, 1883; no. 13187, morning ed. of Sept. 16, 1883; no. 13301, morning ed. of Jan. 9, 1884. Also, “Über die Gründbedingung sozialer Reformen,” Demokratische Blätter (hereafter DB) 1, no. 1 (06 21, 1884), reprinted in Höhle, pp. 413–19.Google Scholar On the accident insurance legislation see Gladen, Albin, Geschichte der Sozialpolitik in Deutschland (Wiesbaden, 1974), pp. 58–66.Google Scholar

22. Sheehan, Liberalism, pp. 191–95, 211–12; Seeber, pp. 114–20, 128–42; Block, Hermann, Die parlamentarische Krisis der nationalliberalen Partei, 1879–1880 (Hamburg, 1930), p. 22Google Scholar; Bamberger, Ludwig, “Die Sezession,” in Gesammelte Schriften (Berlin, 1894), pp. 56–133Google Scholar; also Nipperdey, Thomas, Die Organisation der deutschen Parteien vor 1918 (Düsseldorf, 1961), pp. 205–18Google Scholar; Vitzthum, Stephan Graf, Linksliberale Politik und materiale Staatsrechtlehre: Albert Hänel, 1833–1918 (Munich, 1971), pp. 61–65.Google Scholar

23. The first official vote of the new Freisinnige Party was to extend the anti-socialist law. See Müller-Platenberg, pp. 42–43; Seeber and Wittwer, p. 106; Höhle pp. 171–73; Seeber, pp. 136–41.

24. Neither Engels nor Bebel had much faith in the prospects of the Democratic Party. See Letters Bebel to Engels of Nov. 24, 1884 and Engels to Bebel of Dec. 11–12, 1884 in Bebel, pp. 198–99; also Ratz, pp. 16–22; Höhle, pp. 171–73; Seeber and Wittwer, pp. 105–13.

25. Mehring, , “Die Geschichte einer Zeitung,” NZ 22 (1903–1904): 193–95Google Scholar; Kapital und Presse, pp. 7–8.

26. “Über Demokratie und Verwandtes,” DB 2, no. 1 (01 31, 1885).Google Scholar Höhle doubts that Mehring wrote this article, but it is clear that he did, or at least accepted its thesis, from his reprinting part of it in the Berliner Volks-Zeitung years later. See “Über bürgerliche Demokratie,” Berliner Volks-Zeitung (hereafter BVZ) 36, no. 60, 1st ed. of 03 12, 1887.Google Scholar See also Seeber, pp. 146–48.

27. Ratz, p. 19; Seeber and Wittwer, pp. 127–30.

28. “Die Arbeiterschutz und die deutschfreisinnige Partei,” DB 2, no. 46 of 11 18, 1885Google Scholar; “Berlin” (signed X), BVZ 33, no. 293, 1st ed. of 12 15, 1885, quoted in Höhle, p. 199.Google Scholar When Eugen Richter questioned Mehring's Statement that an active social policy was “a life question of liberalism,” Mehring replied that Germany needed a broad coalition of all parties “with liberal convictions,” not an agreement between narrow liberal factions. See “Ein Lebensfrage des Liberalismus” and “Eine erfreuliche Aufklärung,” BVZ 33, nos. 361 and 368 of 11 7 and 15, 1885, in Höhle, p. 198Google Scholar; “Der Arbeiterschutz und die Parteien,” DB 2, no. 49 of 12 12, 1885.Google Scholar The Volks-Zeitung from 1884 to 1886 was unavailable to me. All articles from these years have been quoted from Höhle, unless otherwise indicated. See also Sheehan, Liberalism, pp. 204–5.

29. “Zur Kritik der Arbeiterbewegung,” BVZ 33, no. 204 of 09 9, 1885Google Scholar. For socialist reaction to Viereck's “opportunism,” see Lidtke pp. 210–12.

30. Mehring had written a long, sympathetic, mostly uncritical review of Marx on his death in 1883. Before that his knowledge of Marxism was slight, although even here he did not discuss such basic categories of orthodox Marxism as class struggle, the materialist concept of history, the stages of historical development, or the base-superstructure schema, all of which he would come to accept in the course of the 1880s as Marx began to influence his political journalism more and more. See “Karl Marx,” Weser-Zeitung, no. 13011, morning ed. of Mar 22, 1883; no. 13020, morning ed. of Apr. 1, 1883; no. 13021, noon ed. of Apr. 2, 1883. Also Lidtke, p. 158; Vogel, p. 157.

31. “Über die Gründbedingung sozialer Reformen,” DB 1, no. 1 of 06 21, 1884Google Scholar. Also, Lees, pp. 175–78; Vogel, pp. 88–89; Lidtke, pp. 171–75.

32. “Über die Gründbedingung sozialer Reformen,” op. cit.; “Freiheit und Sozialreform,” DB 1, no. 2 of 07 5, 1884Google Scholar; “Einiges über Rodbertus,” DB 2, no. 20 of 05 21, 1885Google Scholar; “Zur politische Psychologie der arbeitenden Klassen,” DB 1, no. 2 of 07 5, 1884.Google Scholar

33. Sheehan, Brentano, pp. 81–82, 86–90; Sheehan, Liberalism, p. 153; Boese, Franz, Geschichte des Vereins für Sozialpolitik 1872–1932 (Berlin, 1939), pp. 8, 32Google Scholar; Obershall, Anthony, Empirical Social Research in Germany, 1848–1914 (New York, 1965), pp. 21–22Google Scholar. On the relationship of political freedom to social reform in Bismarckian Germany, Karl Erich Born has noted: “the government wanted to solve the workers' question … without touching the existing structure of the state … [But] the social question was also a constitutional question. Only a parliamentary state could grant a mass movement with radical goals equality of rights and freedom. Only in a state based on the free play of political forces could the social question, which was first and foremost a question of freedom, be solved. The German empire, however, was not a parliamentary state.” Staat und Sozialpolitik seit Bismarcks Sturz (Weisbaden, 1957), pp. 156–57.Google Scholar

34. Lees, pp. 138–74; Vogel pp. 12, 68–70; Sheehan, Brentano, pp. 36, 39–41, 58–61, 81–82, 100–1; Pankoke, Eckhart, Sociale Bewegung—Sociale Frage—Sociale Politik (Stuttgart, 1970), pp. 174–83Google Scholar; Eisfeld, pp. 97–100. Also Brentano, Lujo, Arbeitergilden der Gegenwart, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1871–1872)Google Scholar and Die Arbeiterversicherung gemäss dem heutigen Wirthschaftsordnung (Leipzig, 1879).Google Scholar

35. Schmoller, Gustav, “Die Sozialfrage und der preussische Staat,” reprinted in Zur Social- und Gewerbepolitik der Gegenwart (Leipzig, 1890)Google Scholar. Sheehan, Brentano, pp. 80–83; Vogel, pp. 71–73; Lidtke, pp. 62–63; Obershall, pp. 21–24.

36. “‘Selbsthilfe’ oder ‘Staatshilfe,’” DB 1, no. 7 of 08 9, 1884.Google Scholar

37. “Freiheit und Sozialreform,” DB 1, no. 2 of 07 5, 1884Google Scholar; “Über die falsche und wahre Geschichtsschreibung,” DB 1, no. 3 of 07 12, 1884.Google Scholar

38. “Etwas über ‘grosse Männer,’” DB 2, no. 2 of 03 14, 1885Google Scholar. Note the articles on Marx listed in n. 30.

39. “Die Ürsprünge der englischen Arbeiterfrage,” DB 1, nos. 5 and 6 of 07 26 and 08 2, 1884Google Scholar; also, Mehring, Die Deutsche Sozialdemokratie, op. cit., pp. 3, 6, 41, 74.

40. “Die Ürsprünge der deutschen Arbeiterfrage,” DB 1, nos. 12, 13, and 14 of 09 13, 20, and 27, 1884.Google Scholar

41. “Die englische Chartistenbewegung,” DB 1, nos. 25, 26, 26a of 12. 13, 20, 27, 1884Google Scholar. See also Brentano, Lujo, “Die englische Chartistenbewegung,” Preussische Jahrbücher 33, nos. 5 and 6 (1874): 431–47, 531–50Google Scholar; Sheehan, Brentano, p. 41.

42. “Die Geschichte der englische Fabrikgesetzgebung,” DB 2, nos. 2, 3, 4, 5 of 01, 10, 17, 24, 31, 1885Google Scholar; “Die Fabrikgesetzgebung im Reichstage,” BVZ 33, nos. 16 and 19 of 01 20 and 23, 1885Google Scholar; see also Vogel, p. 94; Lidtke, pp. 56–77. In 1877 and 1885, the SPD introduced comprehensive Workers' Protection Bills in the Reichstag. Both were defeated due to government opposition.

43. “Die englische Gewerkvereine,” DB 2, nos. 7, 8, 9 of 02 14, 21, 28, 1885Google Scholar; Sheehan, Brentano, pp. 99, 123. On trade unions see, Lidtke, pp. 13, 80–81, 180–2, 244, 292–93; Steenson, Gary P., “Not One Man! Not One Penny!” German Social Democracy 1863–1914 (Pittsburg, 1981), pp. 79–91Google Scholar; Schröder, Wolfgang, Partei und Gewerkschaft (Berlin, 1975)Google Scholar; Moses, John A., “Das Gewerkschaftsproblem in der SDAP 1869–1878,” Halle Universität, Institut für deutsche Geschichte, Jahrbuch 3 (1974): 172–202.Google Scholar

44. Letter Mehring to Carl Hirsch of Nov. 3, 1886, International Institute for Social History, Amsterdam, Kleine Korrespondenz; Kapital und Presse, p. 8; Meine Rechtfertigung (Leipzig, 1903), p. 4Google Scholar; Letter Bebel to Engels of Oct. 12, 1886 in Bebel, p. 294; Bernstein, p. 673; Letters Bebel to Mehring of Sept. 27 and Dec. 14, in “Die Beschlagnahmten Briefe,” BVZ 37, no. 74, 3d ed. of 04 21, 1889Google Scholar; Stern, Leo, ed., Der Kampf der deutschen Sozialdemokratie in der Zeit des Sozialistengesetzes, 1878–1890 (Berlin, 1956), pp. 308–10, 336Google Scholar; Letter Mehring to Kautsky, Nov. 22, 1889, International Institute for Social History, Amsterdam, KA K.D.XVII.12; Letter Mehring to Liebknecht of Nov. 29, 1889, in Höhle, p. 239.

45. “Unsere Ziele,” BVZ 34, no. 20, 1st ed. of 01 24, 1886, in Höhle, pp. 211–12Google Scholar; X-article, BVZ 35, no. 234, 1st ed. of 10 10, 1887Google Scholar; “Eine neue Sozialreform,” BVZ 25, no. 122, 1st ed. of 05 22, 1887Google Scholar; “Wüstenspiegelung,” BVZ 35, no. 194, 1st ed. of 08 21, 1887Google Scholar; “Ein Jubiläum,” BVZ 36, no. 250, 1st ed. of 10 21, 1888.Google Scholar

46. X-article, BVZ 36, no. 12, 1st ed. of 01 14, 1888Google Scholar; “Arbeitgeber und Arbeiter,” 35, nos. 134 and 135 of 06 12 and 17, 1887Google Scholar. Mehring also sharply criticized Schmoller's proposal that the anti-socialist law be eliminated for workers and only applied to party leaders as an example of that “hopeless confusion” which existed among “officially patented ‘science.‘” X-article, BVZ 35, no. 221, 1st ed. of 09 22, 1887Google Scholar; also “Über die englischen Gewerkvereine,” 36, nos. 17 and 30 of 01 20 and 02 4, 1888Google Scholar; “Zur internationalen Arbeiterbewegung,” 36, no. 133, 1st ed. of 06 7, 1888Google Scholar; “Der internationalen Gewerkschaftskongress,” 36, no. 277, 1st ed. of 11 21, 1888Google Scholar; “Eine englische Arbeiterpartei,” 35, no. 228, 1st ed. of 10 21, 1887.Google Scholar

47. “Die englische Fabrikgesetzgebung,” BVZ 35, nos. 168, 171, 174, 178, 180, 185, 188, 192 of 07 22, 26, 29 and 08 3, 5, 11, 14, 19, 1887Google Scholar; “Über Arbeiterschutz,” 35, no. 144, 1st ed. of 04 18, 1887Google Scholar; X-article, 36, no. 41, 1st ed. of 02 17, 1888Google Scholar. See point four of the Gotha Program and Point I, a and d of the Erfurt Program, reprinted in Lidtke, pp. 334, 338; Mehring, , “Arbeiterschutz,” BVZ 34, no. 292, 1st ed. of 12 12, 1886Google Scholar, in Höhle, p. 221; “Soziale Zerrbilder,” 35, nos. 252, 253, 275, 299 of 10 28 and 29, 11 24 and 12 12, 1887.Google Scholar

48. “Freisinnige Sozialpolitik,” BVZ 35, nos. 61 and 65 of 03 13 and 18, 1887.Google Scholar

49. As early as November 1885, Mehring had become involved in a polemic with Eugen Richter's Freisinnige Zeitung because Richter had expressly rejected Mehring's call for an active liberal social policy. Mehring's reply had been cautious, merely expressing the hope that the Freisinnige Party would be ready to support “workers’ protective legislation in the sense of the old Progressive Party program.” See the articles listed in n. 28. When writing on the liberals’ lack of a social policy, Mehring's favorite strategy was to base himself on the social program of the Progressives under Waldeck, Franz Ziegler, and Duncker and to lament that the social demands of the old party were diluted in the Freisinn. See “Arbeiterschutz und Fortschrittspartei,” BVZ 35, no. 67, 1st ed. of 03 20, 1887Google Scholar; “Auch ein ‘Ton,’” 35, no. 293, 1st ed.09 1, 1887Google Scholar; “Freisinninge Sozialpolitik,” 36, no. 278, 1st ed. of 11 23, 1888Google Scholar. For Richter's social views see Sheehan, Liberalism, p. 206.

50. “Der Erste vom dritten Dutzend,” BVZ 35, no. 56, 1st ed. of 03 7, 1886, in Höhle, pp. 466–68Google Scholar; X-article, 35, no. 14, 1st ed. of 01 18, 1887Google Scholar; “Eine schwere Niederlage,” 35, no. 46, 1st ed. of 02 2, 1887.Google Scholar

51. “Die Stichwahlen,” BVZ 35, no. 47, 1st ed. of 02 25, 1887Google Scholar; “Das Ergebniss der Stichwahlen,” 35, no. 55, 1st ed. of 03 6, 1887Google Scholar; “Lehren eines Wahlkampfes,” 36, no. 116, 1st ed. of 05 17, 1888Google Scholar; “Die Nachwahlen im sechsten Wahlkreis,” 36, no. 192, 1st ed. of 08 15, 1888.Google Scholar

52. “Über bürgerliche Demokratie,” BVZ 35, no. 60, 1st ed.03 12, 1887Google Scholar; “Offiziöse Anzapfungen, 36, no. 5, 1st ed. of 01 6, 1888Google Scholar; “Zur freisinnige Parteipolitik,” 36, no. 13, 1st ed. of 01 15, 1888Google Scholar; “Das neue Abgeordnentenhaus,” 36, no. 266, 1st ed. of 11 11, 1888.Google Scholar

53. “Zur Abwehr und Aufklärung,” BVZ 36, no. 267, 1st ed. of 11 10, 1888Google Scholar; “Partei und Presse,” 36, no. 272, 2d ed. of 11 16, 1888Google Scholar; “Unsere bürgerliche Klassen,” 37, no. 41, 1st ed. of 02 17, 1889; Höhle, p. 226Google Scholar; Kapital und Presse, p. 9.

54. See especially his acceptance of the materialist concept of history as the only appropriate methodology in historical writing in his long series of articles on “Die Hohenzollern und die Reformation,” BVZ, 10 13, 18, 20, 22, 25, 27, and 31 and 11 1 and 11, 1889 in GS 5: esp. 261.Google Scholar

55. “Fortschreitende Versimplung,” BVZ 36, no. 289, 1st ed. of 12 6, 1888Google Scholar; X-articles of 36, nos. 154 and 270, 1st and 2d eds. of July 1 and Nov. 4, 1888; “Scheuerfeste,” 05 16, 1894, NZ 12, pt. 2 (1893–1894): 227–30Google Scholar; “Die Kehreseite der Medaille,” 10 16, 1895, NZ 14, pt. 1 (1895–1896): 99Google Scholar; Höhle, p. 241.

56. Stern, ed., pp. 311, 319–23; “Eugen Richter,” 03 14, 1906, NZ 24, pt. 1 (1905–1906) in GS 8:353Google Scholar; “Full Dress Jacket und Proletarierbluse,” 09 21, 1891, NZ 10, pt. 1 (1891–1892), GS 12:229Google Scholar; Kapital und Presse, pp. 65–66.

57. “Nachtrag zum Leitartikel: Ein Gedanktag,” BVZ 38, no. 65, 1st ed. of 03 18, 1890Google Scholar; “Die politische Intrige,” 38, no. 118, 1st ed. of 05 23, 1890, both in Höhle, pp. 252–54Google Scholar. See also Höhle, p. 252.

58. “Zur Invalidenversicherung: Eine Schlussbetrachtung,” BVZ 37, no. 78, 1st ed. of 04 24, 1889Google Scholar; “Das Invalidengesetz im Reichstag,” 37, no. 92, 1st ed. of 05 14, 1889Google Scholar; “Keine Begriffverwirrung,” 37, no. 104, 1st ed. of 05 29, 1889Google Scholar; “Zum Alters- und Invaliditätsgesetze,” 38, no. 320, 1st ed. of 10 2, 1890Google Scholar; “Die Bodenbesitzreform,” 37, no. 192, 1st ed.09 11, 1889, in Höhle, p. 257Google Scholar; “Unsere Stellung zur Sozialdemokratie,” 37, no. 70, 1st ed. of 04 16, 1889Google Scholar; Kautsky, Karl, The Class Struggle (1892, reprint ed. New York, 1971), pp. 91–92Google Scholar. The one time Mehring did mention his former program was in a programmatic lead article on the position of the Volks-Zeitung that he was forced to publish shortly after the newspaper resumed operation.

59. See Kapital und Presse and Der Fall Lindau (Berlin, 1890)Google Scholar; “Kapital und Presse,” 04 12, 1892, NZ 10, pt. 2 (1891–1892): 99–101Google Scholar (quote); “Ein Typus,” 11 15, 1893, NZ 12, pt. 1 (1893–1894): 228.Google Scholar

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