¹ Weston, Kath, Gender in Real Time: Power and Transience in a Visual Age (New York and London: Routledge, 2002), 9Google Scholar.

² Among others, Wojciech Wierzejski, a member of the Liga Polskich Rodzin (League of the Polish Families); and Lech Kaczynski from Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice), former mayor of Warsaw and president of the Republic of Poland from 2005 to 2010.

³ The Resolution Against Homophobia, Anti-Semitism, and Xenophobia was released in June 2006. Of the 546 members of the European Parliament who appeared for the final vote, 301 voted for the resolution, 161 voted against it, 102 abstained.

⁴ Gal, Susan and Kligman, Gail, eds., Reproducing Gender: Politics, Publics, and Everyday Life after Socialism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000), 5Google Scholar. See also Owczarzak, Jill, “Introduction: Postcolonial Studies and Postsocialism in Eastern Europe,” Focaal 53 (2009): 3–19Google Scholar. This is not to say, however, that liberal regimes do not regulate social relations through the politics of sexuality as becomes obvious when one looks at social policies, employment policies, discourses on motherhood/parenthood, marriage, and civil partnership, etc.

⁵ See Ranchold-Nilsson, Sita and Tétreault, Mary Ann, eds., Women, States, and Nationalism: At Home in the Nation? (London: Routledge, 2000)Google Scholar; Stychin, Carl F., A Nation by Rights: National Cultures, Sexual Identity Politics, and the Discourse of Rights (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1998)Google Scholar; Yuval-Davis, Nira, Gender and Nation (London: Sage, 1997)Google Scholar.

⁶ The use of the “nature” discourse and the emphasis on the “socialist person” as “unnatural” has been noted in the whole region. See Gal, Susan, “Feminism and Civil Society,” in Transitions, Environments, Translations: Feminisms in International Politics, ed. Scott, Joan W., Kaplan, Cora, and Keates, Debra (London and New York: Routledge, 1997), 30–45Google Scholar. For the case of Russia, see Rivkin-Fish, Michele, “Moral Science and the Management of ‘Sexual Revolution’ in Russia,” in Sex in Development: Science, Sexuality, and Morality in Global Perspective, ed. Adams, Vincanne and Pigg, Stacy Leigh (Durham, NC, and London: Duke University Press, 2000), 71–94Google Scholar.

⁷ See Koczanowicz, Leszek, Politics of Time: Dynamics of Identity in Post-Communist Poland (New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2008)Google Scholar. See also Peter Oliver Loew, “Zwillinge zwischen Endecja und Sanacja,” Eurozine, 1–12, DOI: www.eurozine.com/articles/2006-01-12-loew-de.html (accessed September 21, 2009).

⁸ Gal and Kligman write about “nostalgia for the past.” See Gal, Susan and Kligman, Gail, The Politics of Gender after Socialism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000), 4Google Scholar. In this context, however, it seems less nostalgia for the past than interpretations of and references to “different pasts” that are simultaneously constituted through these interpretations and references.

⁹ Toivanen, Reetta, “Contextualising Struggles over Culture and Equality: An Anthropological Perspective,” in Rethinking Non-Discrimination and Minority Rights, ed. Scheinin, Martin and Toivanen, Reeta (Berlin: Institute for Human Rights, Abo Akademi University Turku/Abo, German Institute for Human Rights, 2004), 179–200, 179Google Scholar.

¹⁰ This article is based on ethnographic fieldwork in Warsaw, Poland, where I conducted research over a period of fourteen months between April 2004 and July 2006. My research included participant observation at conferences, events, meetings, and demonstrations organized by women's organizations and informal women's networks as well as the Plenipotentiary for the Equal Status of Women and Men, which was still working at that time. I conducted qualitative interviews with members of four women's NGOs and two informal women's networks. My research material also includes analysis of newspaper articles and parliamentary debates on the antiabortion law; the Equal Opportunity Act; and Manifa, a yearly demonstration on International Women's Day organized by the two informal networks Women's Alliance and Lesbian Alliance; and the Equality March. Governmental and presidential elections took place in October 2005 while I was conducting my research, and Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, or PiS), a conservative party, gained power. On May 5, 2006, they entered a coalition with the populist party Samoobrona (Self-Defense) and the extreme right party Liga Polskich Rodzin (LPR, League of Polish Families). Hence, for this article, I included newspaper articles from this governmental period. In October 2007, however, new (early) governmental elections took place which again restructured the governmental design and setting. The conservative politicians I quote here are members of parties such as the League of Polish Families which completely lost its meaning after the elections. The former governmental party Law and Justice lost its position and was replaced by the Civil Platform (Platforma Obywatelska). The Polish president, Lech Kaczyński, however, has stayed in office, but Donald Tusk from Civil Platform replaced Jarosław Kaczyński as prime minister. Until this election, every election had had severe effects especially on gender and sexuality politics. A detailed presentation of these effects goes far beyond the scope of this article, however.

¹¹ See Gal and Kligman, The Politics of Gender after Socialism. One could go even further, however, and claim not only that gender roles are naturalized according to a person's sex, but also that citizens become highly sexed and sexualized as they are constituted as heterosexual, which is again linked to further norms and notions of being a good Polish citizen (such as being Catholic). In this logic, sex equals gender equals gender identity equals gender role and “naturally” frames the subject heterosexual. In this respect, a totalizing vision of the citizen is introduced to contrast the (totalizing) vision of the “socialist worker” or the “socialist Mensch.” Such totalizing visions of the citizen, however, are by no means particularly Polish. Only recent attempts from the field of queer theories have started to disrupt this equation.

¹² All interviewees’ names have been changed.

¹³ Same o sobie. Rozmowy z 13 członkiniami Społecznego Komitetu Organizacji Pozarządowych-Pekin 1995 (Warsaw: Społeczny Komitet Organizacji Pozarządowych Pekin, 1995, 1997), 71Google Scholar. All translations are provided by the author unless stated otherwise.

¹⁴ Ibid. Note that in Polish the expression Same o Sobie is gendered female, making explicit that it is women who are speaking in their own words.

¹⁵ Watson, Peggy, “The Rise of Masculinism in Europe,” New Left Review 198 (1993): 71–82Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Kreisky, Eva and Sauer, Birgit, eds., Geschlechterverhältnisse im Kontext politischer Transformation (Opladen and Wiesbaden: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1998)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Scott, Joan Wallach, “Some Reflections on Gender and Politics,” in Revisioning Gender, ed. Feree, Myra Marx, Lorber, Judith, and Hess, Beth B. (Thousand Oaks, CA; London; and New Delhi: Sage Publications, Inc., 1998), 70–98Google Scholar. Jähnert, Gabriele, Gohrisch, Jana, Hahn, Daphne, et al. , eds., Gender in Transition: Eastern and Central European Proceedings (Berlin: Trafo-Verlag, 2000)Google Scholar; Watson, Peggy, “Theorizing Feminism in Postcommunism,” in Feminisms and Women's Movements in Contemporary Europe, ed. Bull, Anna, Diamond, Hanna, and Marsh, Rosalind (Basingstoke and London: Macmillan Press), 2000, 100–117Google Scholar. Gal and Kligman, The Politics of Gender after Socialism.

¹⁷ Note that the role of women in the opposition and underground movement has been almost completely neglected (and forgotten). On the role of women in the opposition movement, see Shana Penn, “The National Secret,” Journal of Women's History 5, no. 3 (Winter 1994): 55–69; and Penn, Shana, Podziemie kobiet (Warsaw: Rosner & Wspólnicy, 2003)Google Scholar.

¹⁸ See Buchowski, Michał, “From Anti-Communist to Post-Communist Ethos: The Case of Poland,” Social Anthropology 2, no. 2 (1994), 133–148CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Buchowski, Michał, “Poland: An Old Society After New Elections,” Anthropological Journal on European Cultures 3, no. 1 (1994), 61–84Google Scholar; and Buchowski, Michał, Rethinking Transformation: An Anthropological Perspective on Post-Socialism (Poznan: Wydawnictwo Humaniora, 2001)Google Scholar. See also Feldmann, Eva, Polen. Für Eure und unsere Freiheit (Frankfurt am Main: Verlag für Interkulturelle Kommunikation [IKO], 2000)Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Buchowski, Michał, “The Shifting Meanings of Civil and Civic Society in Poland,” in Civil Society: Challenging Western Models, ed. Hann, Chris and Dunn, Elizabeth (London and New York, 1996), 79–98Google Scholar. Krasnodębski, Zdizisław, “Modernisierung und Zivilisierung in Polen. Tradition und Gegenwart,” in Kulturelle Identität und sozialer Wandel in Osteuropa. Das Beispiel Polen, ed. Krasnodębski, Zdizisław, Städke, Klaus, and Garsztecki, Stefan (Hamburg: Krämer, 1999), 69–108Google Scholar.

²⁰ See Fuszara, Małgorzata, ed., Kobiety w Polsce na przełomie wieków. Nowy kontrakt płci? (Warsaw: Instytut Spraw Publicznych, 2002)Google Scholar.

²¹ Buchowski, “From Anti-Communist to Post-Communist Ethos,” and Buchowski, “Poland: An Old Society After New Elections.”

²² Niedermüller, Peter, “Politics, Culture, and Social Symbolism: Some Remarks on the Anthropology of Eastern European Nationalism,” Ethnologia Europaea 24 (1994): 21–33Google Scholar, here 29.

²³ Poland was divided by Prussia, Russia, and Habsburg Austria in 1772, 1793 (in which Habsburg Austria did not participate), and 1795. Poland only regained independence as a nation-state in 1918. Poland's division by Germany and the U.S.S.R. (Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact) and its subsequent occupation is often referred to as “the fourth partition.” For a good account of Polish history and the consequences of the division, see Davies, Norman, Heart of Europe: The Past in Poland's Present (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2000)Google Scholar.

²⁴ See Renata Salecl, “The Postsocialist Moral Majority,” in Transitions, Environments, Translations, ed. Scott, Kaplan, and Keates, 79–100.

²⁵ Aretxaga, Begona, “Maddening States,” Annual Review of Anthropology 32 (2003): 393–410CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁶ Buchowski, “From Anti-Communist to Post-Communist Ethos,” and Buchowski, “Poland: An Old Society After New Elections.”

²⁷ Jacek Kurczewski, “Równopranienie plciowe reprezentacji w opinii polskich parlamentarzystów,” in Kobiety w Polsce na przelomie wieków, ed. Fuszara, 65–83. Eleonora Zielińska, “Between Ideology, Politics, and Common Sense: The Discourse of Reproductive Rights in Poland,” in Reproducing Gender, ed. Gal and Kligman, 23–57.

²⁸ See Toivanen, “Contextualising Struggles,” 179–200.

²⁹ Matynia, Elżbieta, “Provincializing Global Feminism: The Polish Case,” Social Research 70, no. 2 (2003): 499–530Google Scholar.

³⁰ Here and in the following arguments I draw on parliamentary debates on the draft from July 24, 1992 (1. cadence, 21. Meeting, July 1992) on the protection of the conceived child, the right to parenthood, the protection of the human fetus, and the conditions for the permission of abortion. See http://ks.sejm.gov.pl.

³¹ Herman quoted in Stychin, Carl F., A Nation by Rights: National Cultures, Sexual Identity Politics, and the Discourse of Rights (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1998), 17Google Scholar.

³² Interview with Agata (name changed), then director of one of the largest women's NGOs in Warsaw.

³³ This becomes particularly obvious in such brochures as “Poznaj swoje prawa: konkubinat i co dalej? Poradnik prawny dla kobiet” (“Cohabitation and Then What? Legal Advice for Women”), published by the Centrum Praw Kobiet in Warsaw; and “W drodze do Unii Europejskiej. Przewodniczka nie tylko dla kobiet” (“On the way to the European Union: Advice not only for women”), published by the representation of the Heinrich-Böll-Foundation in Poland. The former informs about what cohabitation without marriage means and what the European Union says about it, and gives legal advice on how unmarried couples should regulate issues such as rights to children, separation of property, filing taxes, and how to make a will, while the latter informs about equality policies in the EU, domestic violence, rights of lesbians, and reproductive rights.

³⁴ In Polish: Ustawa o Równym Statusie Kobiet i Mężczyzn, Druk Sejmowy nr 2217, Warszawa, 6 luty 1997r (Bill on the Equal Status of Women and Men, Parliamentary Print Material no. 2217, Warsaw, Feburary 6, 1997).

³⁵ See Fuszara, Małgorzata and Zielińska, Eleanora, “A Short yet Puzzling History of the Polish Equal Opportunity Act,” in Ośka, Magazine of the National Women's Information Center: Special Edition on Women's Human Rights 4, no. 5 (1998): 12–14Google Scholar.

³⁶ Quoted from “Kobieca piąta kolumna,” Gazeta Wyborcza, March 6/7, 1999.

³⁷ Ibid.

³⁸ See “Nie będzie ustawy zrównującej prawa mężczyzn i kobiet. Sejm odrzucił projekt lanoswany przez SLD,” Zycie Warszawy, March 6/7, 1999.

³⁹ While achievement and flexibility as well as the successful assimilation of the individual to the changing conditions were highly rewarded in the economic sector after 1989, a rebiologization can be observed in the field of gender policy, essentializing the sexes to their supposedly natural roles. Such arguments show that the creation of new identities through managerial technologies as described by anthropologist Elizabeth Dunn in 2004 applies only to men and a male-dominated economy, politics, and public sphere. It also reflects Watson's observations on a different level. She points out that the institutionalization of individual rights of property and the abolition of individual rights to abortion were the twinned legislative concerns of the new liberal order, in effect, coding the new individual masculine. See Watson, “Theorizing Feminism in Postcommunism,” 100–117, especially 113.

⁴⁰ The association of socialism with immorality and unnatural gender roles has been observed in different countries in the region, although by no means in all of them. New gender and sexuality policies as well as dominant opinions in the population that depart from former socialist ideals have been particularly evident not only in Poland, but also in Russia, Ukraine, and Hungary. For Russia, see Kon, Igor S., “Sexual Culture and Politics in Contemporary Russia,” in Sexuality and Gender in Postcommunist Eastern Europe and Russia, ed. Štulhofer, Aleksandar and Sandfort, Theo (New York, London, and Oxford: The Haworth Press, 2005), 111–123Google Scholar; Rivkin-Fish, , “Moral Science and the Management of ‘Sexual Revolution’ in Russia”; Pilkington, Hilary, ed., Gender, Generation, and Identity in Contemporary Russia (London and New York: Routledge, 1996)Google Scholar; Lynne Attwood, “Young People, Sex, and Sexual Identity,” in Gender, Generation, and Identity in Contemporary Russia, ed. Pilkington, 95–120; and Costlow, Jane T., Sandler, Stephanie, and Vowles, Judith, eds., Sexuality and the Body in Russian Culture (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1993)Google Scholar. For Ukraine, see Zhurzhenko, Tatiana, “Free Market Ideology and New Women's Identity in Post-Socialist Ukraine,” European Journal of Women's Studies 8, no. 1 (2008): 29–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For Hungary, see Corrin, Chris, “Gendered Identities: Women's Experience of Change in Hungary,” in Women in the Face of Change, ed. Rai, S., Pilkington, H., and Phizacklea, Annie (London and New York: Routledge, 1992), 167–185Google Scholar; and Mathews, Susan S., Horne, Sharon G., and Levitt, Heidi M., “Feminism Across Borders: A Hungarian Adaptation of Western Feminism,” Sex Roles 53, no. 1/2 (2005): 89–103CrossRefGoogle Scholar. It would be interesting, however, to trace why socialist gender ideals are now framed as immoral in some postsocialist countries, while this is less the case in other countries in the region.

⁴¹ See Fuszara and Zielińska, “Puzzling History.”

⁴² Quoted from Grzybek, Agnieszka and Limanowska, Barbara, “‘Maybe this Time We Will Succeed …’ Agnieszka Grzybek and Barbara Limanowska Speak with Senator Dorota Kempka,” Ośka, Magazine of the National Women's Information Center: Special Edition on Women's Human Rights 4, no. 5 (1998): 8–11Google Scholar, here 9.

⁴³ Kofman, E., “Citizenship for Some but Not for Others: Spaces of Citizenship in Contemporary Europe,” Political Geography 14 (1995): 121–137CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 132. Graff, Agnieszka, Świat bez kobiet (Warsaw: Wydawnictwo W.A.B., 2001), 17Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ See Wilson, Richard A., ed., Human Rights, Culture, and Context (London and Sterling, VA: Pluto Press, 1997), 9Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ See Titkow, Anna, “Frauen unter Druck?,” in Die Frau in der polnischen Gegenwartskultur, ed. Kaschmal, Walter (Cologne, Weimar, and Vienna: Böhlau, 1999), 31–63Google Scholar. Mira Marody and Anna Giza-Poleszczuk, “Changing Images of Identity in Poland: From the Self-Sacrificing to the Self-Investing Woman?,” in Reproducing Gender, ed. Gal and Kligman, 151–174.

⁴⁶ I am using the term “postcommunist” rather than “neo-communist” because the former is usually used within Polish public discourse to discredit a person by insinuating that s/he has been supportive of the socialist system.

⁴⁷ Clearly, this reference to Europe calls for a critique as Europe provides (or remains) a utopian vision of gender equality. It should be noted, however, that women engaged in women's issues do not seem to have any choice but to call upon “international standards” when it comes to political and civil rights to challenge national standards.

⁴⁸ The prime minister controlled the plenipotentiary as well as its predecessors, the Plenipotentiary for Women and the Family (1992–1997) and the Plenipotentiary for the Family (1997–2001).

⁴⁹ After the 2007 elections, the new government announced its intention to reinstate an office in charge of gender equality. As of March 2008, Elżbieta Radziszewska from Platforma Obywatelska holds the position, but she is generally seen as very conservative and inactive. The position is not comparable to the former plenipotentiary because it is established within the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs.

⁵⁰ While the governments between 1989 and 1993 and between 1997 and 2001 can be called conservative, the political parties that formed the government between 2005 and 2007 have most frequently been categorized as right-wing.

⁵¹ The term Fourth Republic appeared for the first time in an article by the political scientist Rafał Matyja titled “Obóz IV Rzeczposplitej” (“The Political Situation of the IV Republic”). Independent from this article, sociologist and historian of ideas Paweł Spiewak used it in his article “Koniec złudzen” (“End of Illusion”), January 23, 2003, in the daily newspaper Rzeczpospolita. In 2005, the party Law and Justice used it in its election campaign. The term “Fourth Republic” should not be read as an official term for the new developments in Poland as are the terms First Republic, Second Republic, and Third Republic that describe the various periods of Poland's political and national independence. The term “Fourth Republic” was programmatically used by the party Law and Justice to indicate a political and moral restoration.

⁵² Quote from the English version of the PiS Party program. See www.wybory.pis.org.pl/program.php.

⁵³ Ibid.

⁵⁴ Ibid.

⁵⁵ Benhabib, Seyla, The Claims of Culture: Equality and Diversity in the Global Era (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002), 8Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ Stolcke, Verena, “Talking Culture: New Boundaries, New Rhetorics of Exlusion in Europe,” Current Anthropology 36, no. 1 (1995): 1–13CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁷ Peter Niedermüller, “Politics, Culture, and Social Symbolism,” 30.

⁵⁸ It should be noted that in January 2006, the Poznan court declared this police intervention illegal and the Constitution Tribunal as unconstitutional.

⁵⁹ Polish original: Prosze, Pani, wiadomo, o co chodzi. Nie bądźmy dziećmi. Oni muszą wiedzić, gdzie ich miejsce jest. Przecież to jest mniejszość. Homosksualiści to jest mniejszość. I chcą narzucić swoje myślenie większości. Nie jest tak? Tak jest. Demokracja jest. Większość rządzi, a nie mniejszość, in Przekroj, Nov. 24, 2005, 38/B, 53, 32.

⁶⁰ In Polish: Protest obywatelski w sprawie wydarzeń w Poznaniu, Nov. 19, 2005.

⁶¹ Original: “Jedną z głównych zasad demokracji jest to, że nie wolno zakazywać pokojowych demonstracji, w trakcie których manifestuje się poglądy oraz postawy. Marz Równości mógł być tylko potwierdzeniem i wsparciem zasad demokratycznych.”

⁶² In this context it is interesting to note that after the elections in October 2007, Tadeusz Mazowiecki, who had been Poland's first prime minister after 1989, commented on the defeat of the former government party, Law and Justice, with the words “Democracy has won.”

⁶³ On this problematic, see, for example, Renkin, Hadley Z., “Homophobia and Queer Belonging in Hungary,” Focaal 53 (2009): 20–37Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ See Głowinski, Michał, “Dramat Języka. Uwagi o mowie publicznej IV RP,” in Gazeta Wyborcza, Nov. 25/26, 2006Google Scholar. See also Keinz, Anika, Polens Andere. Verhandlungen von Geschlecht und Sexualität in Polen nach 1989 (Bielefeld: transcript Verlag, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 215ff.

⁶⁵ On the idea of a Polish minority, see Blumberg-Stankiewicz, Katharina, “Rechtsradikale (Re-)Formulierungen eines nationalen Selbstbildes in Polen. Die Liga der Polnischen Familien und ihre Propagierung einer historisch ‘wahren’ Kernidentität,” in Nationen und ihre Selbstbilder. Postdiktatorische Gesellschaften in Europa, ed. Fritz, Regina, Sachse, Carola, and Wolfrum, Edgar (Göttingen: Wallstein Verlag, 2008), 280–305Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ See Paley, Julia, “Toward an Anthropology of Democracy,” Annual Review of Anthropology 31 (2002): 469–496CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁷ This argumentation is grounded on various articles, for example, “Prezydent Kaczyński nie zgadza się na Paradę Równości,” Gazeta Wyborcza, May 17, 2005Google Scholar, where Kaczyński was reported to have said “że przemarsz zmusi ich do udziału w wydarzeniach o charakterze seksualnym.”

⁶⁸ See Knapp, Jarosław, “Tylko dla Gejów?,” Wprost 20, May 16, 2004, 22–23Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ Ibid.

⁷⁰ It needs to be noted that none of the equality marches in Poland so far have exhibited any kind of sexual behavior or sexual acts or revealed any private body parts. In Poland, the mere visibility and public self-identification as nonheterosexual is seen as an offense against the general public (“moral majority”). Homosexuals who are publicly visible hence not only are asked to hide (keep in private) but also often live in constant fear of being attacked by homophobes or nationalists. Several scholars have even noted that the campaign “Niech nas zobaczą” (“Let them see us”) launched by the Kampania Przeciw Homofobii (Campaign against Homophobia) consisting of photographs of same-sex couples innocently holding hands not only marked the breakthrough of public visibility in Poland, but also stirred the first public controversies. See Gruszczyńska, Anna, “Living ‘la vida’ Internet: Some Notes on the Cyberization of Polish LGBT Community,” in Beyond the Pink Curtain: Everyday Life of LGBT People in Eastern Europe, ed. Kuhar, Roman and Takacs, Judit (Ljubljana, Slovenia: Mirovni Institut [Peace Institute], Politike Symposion, 2006)Google Scholar; Graff, Agnieszka, “We are (not all) Homophobes: A Report from Poland,” Feminist Studies 32, no. 2 (2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Warkocki, Blażej, “Biedni Polacy patrzą na homosekualistów,” in Homofobia Po Polsku, ed. Sypniewski, Zbyszek and Warkocki, Blażej (Warsaw: Sic! Publishers, 2004), 97–119Google Scholar.

⁷¹ For example, it was argued that elements that belonged to sexuality were not meant to become drawn into public light because intimacy should not be publicly displayed. See Dariusz Zaborek, “Wszechpolak. Interview with Prof. Wiesław Chrzanowski,” Gazeta Wyborcza, Jan. 23, 2006, DOI: http://serwisy.gazeta.pl/df/2029020,34472,3123482.html (accessed October 18, 2010). Roman Giertych stressed in light of the Parada Równości 2006 that of course the Liga Polskich Rodzin was tolerant against homosexuals, but declared at the same time that the allowance of the Parada Równości was an agreement to propaganda. See Giertych, Roman, “Parada propaganda homoseksualizmu,” Gazeta Wyborcza, June 10, 2006Google Scholar.

⁷² See Szułdrzyński, Michał, “Nie grozi nam brunatna rewolucja,” Gazeta Wyborcza, January 23, 2006Google Scholar.

⁷³ Falk quoted in Werbner, Pnina and Yuval-Davis, Nira, eds., Women, Citizenship, and Difference (London and New York: Zed Books, 1999), 1–38Google Scholar, here 3.

⁷⁴ Ibid., 3.