This article represents an interpretative condensation of the author's dissertation, “‘The Dying Middle’: Weimar Germany and the Failure of Bourgeois Unity, 1924–1930.” which was completed at the University of Wisconsin in the spring of 1970. The dissertation is in the process of being revised to cover the years through 1933 and will, it is hoped, appear in book form in the foreseeable future.

1. Milatz, Alfred, “Das Ende der Parteien im Spiegel der Wahlen 1930 bis 1933,” in Das Ende der Parteien 1933, ed. Matthias, Erich and Morsey, Rudolf (Düsseldorf, 1960). pp. 744–58.Google Scholar For a provocative sociological analysis of German electoral results and the rise of National Socialism, see Lipset, Seymour Martin, Political Man. The Social Bases of Politics (Garden City, 1960), pp. 131–52, 173–76.Google Scholar

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4. The impact of rationalization upon traditional German social structure and the role which this played in the rise of National Socialism was first explored by Geiger, Theodor in Die soziale Schichtung des deutschen Volkes. Soziographischer Versuch auf statistischer Grundlage (Stuttgart, 1932), pp. 109–22,Google Scholar and more recently by Lepsius, M. Rainer in his compact, yet highly interpretative essay, Extremer Nationalismus. Strukturbedingungen vor der nationalsozialistischen Machtergreifung (Stuttgart, 1966), pp. 5–26.Google Scholar Further information on this problem is to be found on the classic study of the Weimar Republic by Bracher, Karl Dietrich, Die Auflösung der Weimarer Republik. Eine Studie zum Problem des Machtverfalls in der Demokratie (3rd ed., Vilhingen/Schwarzwald, 1960), pp. 158–65.Google Scholar The best treatment in English of the German middle class during the Weimar Republic is in the first chapter of Lebovics, Herman, Social Conservatism and the Middle Classes in Germany 1914–1933 (Princeton, 1969), pp. 13–48.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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6. Grünberg, Mittelstand, p. 165. On the impact of rationalization upon the German artisanry, see Dethloff, J., “Das Handwerk in der kapitalistischen Gesellschaft,” Strukturwandlungen der deutschen Volkswirtschaft, ed. Harms, Bernhard (Berlin, 1929), II, 3–41;Google Scholar Wolfgang Reichardt, “Probleme der Handwerkspolitik,” ibid., II, 63–80. For a statistical analysis of the economic decline of the independent middle class in the period after World War I, see Pesl, L. D., “Mittelstandsfragen,” Grundriss der Sozialökonomik (Tübingen, 1926–1927), IX:I, 79–119.Google Scholar

7. On the German agricultural crisis during the 1920's, see the detailed study by Sering, Max, ed., Die deutsche Landwirtschaft unter volks- und weltwirtschaftlichen Gesichtspunkten (Berlin, 1932), pp. 73–96, 104–106.Google Scholar For specific aspects of the agricultural crisis, see Beckmann, Fritz, Die weltwirtschaftlichen Beziehungen der deutschen Landwirtschaft und ihre wirtschaftliche Lage (1919–1924) (Bonn and Leipzig, 1924), pp. 16–22, 62–84,Google Scholar and Beckmann, , “Landwirtschaftliche Kreditfragen,” Strukturwandlungen der deutschen Volkswirtschaft, I, 160–71.Google Scholar

8. On the theoretical distinctions between the “old” and “new” middle classes, see Marbach, Fritz, Theorie des Mittelstands (Bern, 1943), pp. 188–98.Google Scholar The best short treatment of the “new middle class” is the study by Lederer, Emil and Marschak, Jakob, “Der neue Mittelstand,” Grundriss der Sozialökonomik, IX:I, 120–41.Google Scholar

9. Glatzel, Frank, “Neuer Mittelstand,” Kölnische Zeitung, June 12, 1928, No. 318;Google ScholarSpeier, Hans, “The Salaried Employee in Modern Society,” Social Research, I (1934), 111–15.Google Scholar

10. Geiger, Theodor, “Panik im Mittelstand,” Die Arbeit, VII, No. 10 (10 1930), 637–54.Google Scholar

11. For a brief introduction to the social and economic history of the German middle class from 1914 to 1933, see Feldman, Gerald D., Army, Industry, and Labor in Germany,1914–1918 (Princeton, 1966), pp. 464–69;Google ScholarEulenberg, Franz, “Die sozialen Wirkungen der Währungsverhältnisse,” Jahrbuch für Nationalökonomie und Statistik, CXXII (1924), 753–65, 771–80;Google Scholar Lebovics, Social Conservatism, pp. 13–48. For an interesting study of the circulation of elites in Germany during the twentieth century, see Zapf, Wolfgang, Wandlungen der deutschen Elite. Ein Zirkulationsmodell deutscher Führungsgruppen 1919–1961 (Munich, 1965), pp. 38–59, 137–68.Google Scholar

12. Bracher, Auflösung, pp. 21–27.

13. Bredt, Johann Victor, “Das politische Parlament und die berufsständische Vertretung,” Volk und Reich der Deutschen, ed. Harms, Bernhard (Berlin, 1929), II, 288–94.Google Scholar

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15. Grebing, Helga, The History of the German Labour Movement: A Survey (London, 1969), pp. 125–30.Google Scholar Cf. Woldt, Richard, “Die deutschen Gewerkschaften in der Nachkriegszeit,” Strukturwandlungen der deutschen Volkswirtschaft, 1, 480–500.Google Scholar

16. Brady, Robert A., “Policies of National Manufacturing Spitzenverbände,” Political Science Quarterly, LXI (1941), 199–225, 379–91, 515–44;CrossRefGoogle ScholarFeldman, Gerald D., “The Social and Economic Policies of German Big Business, 1918–1929,” American Historical Review, LXXV (1969), 47–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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18. Morsey, Rudolf, “Die Deutsche Zentrumspartei,” Das Ende der Parteien 1933, pp. 283–91.Google Scholar For a detailed analysis of the conflict of antagonistic social forces within the Center, see Becker, Josef, “Josef Wirth und die Krise des Zentrums während des IV. Kabinetts Marx (1927–1928),” Zeitschrift für die Geschichte des Oberrheins, CIX (1961), 361–482.Google Scholar

19. Barth, Theodor and Naumann, Friedrich, Die Erneuerung des Liberalismus. Ein politischer Weckruf (Berlin, 1906), pp. 10, 14–15, 29–33Google Scholar. Cf. Schieder, Theodor, “Die Krise des bürgerlichen Liberalismus,” in Staat und Gesellschaft im Wandel unserer Zeit. Studien zur Geschichte des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts (Munich, 1958), pp. 78–79.Google Scholar

20. Heuss, Theodor, “Die Deutsche Demokratische Partei,” Volk und Reich der Deutschen, II, 105–106.Google Scholar

21. The secondary material on the founding of the DDP and the DVP is quite extensive. For the most reliable studies, see Hartenstein, Wolfgang, Die Anfänge der Deutschen Volkspartei 1918–1920 (Düsseldorf, 1962), pp. 7–47;Google ScholarSchwarz, Gotthard, Theodor Wolff und das “Berliner Tageblatt.” Eine liberale Stimme in der deutschen Politik 1906–1933 (Tübingen, 1969), pp. 79–96.Google Scholar A valuable, though not altogether reliable source is Stresemann's own account published anonymously by the Volkspartei, Deutsche, Reichsgeschäftsstelle, , Die Entstehung der Deutschen Volkspartei (Berlin, 1919), pp. 3–16.Google Scholar For the Democratic point of view, see Nuschke, Otto, “Wie die Deutsche Demokratische Partei wurde, was sie leistete und was sie ist,” in Zehn Jahre Deutsche Republik. Ein Handbuch für republikanische Arbeit, ed. Erkelenz, Anton (Berlin-Zehlendorf, 1928), pp. 24–30.Google Scholar

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23. Erkelenz, Anton, Junge Demokratie. Reden und Schriften politischen Inhalts (Berlin, 1925), pp. 217–23. In 04 1970, the private papers of Erkelenz became available for scholarly purposes at the Bundesarchiv in Koblenz and now constitute one of the most valuable primary sources for the early history of the DDP.Google Scholar For an indication of Erkelenz's activities at the time of the DDP's founding, see his speech “Zweck und Ziele des Gewerkschaftsringes,” 1. Freiheitlich-nationaler Kongress des Gewerkschaftsringes deutscher Arbeiter-, Angestellten- u. Beamtenverbände 27. bis 29. November 1920, ed. Lemmer, Ernst (Berlin, 1930), pp. 12–33.Google Scholar For a particularly valuable source of information on the DDP and the other bourgeois parties, see the recent reference work edited by the Historisches Institut der Jena, Friedrich-Schiller-Universität, Die bürgerlichen Parteien in Deutschland. Handbuch der Geschichte der bürgerlichen Parteien und anderer bürgerlicher Interessenorganisationen vom Vormärz bis zum Jahre 1945 (2 vols., East Berlin, 1968–1970).Google Scholar

24. For an indication of the DDP's unclear position on proportional representation, see the opposing viewpoints taken by Heuss, Theodor, “Verhältniswahl und Parlamentarismus,” Zeitschrift für Politik, xx, No.5 (08 1930), 312–16,Google Scholar and Bäumer, Gertrud, Grundlagen demokratischer Politik (Karlsrnhe, 1928), pp. 48–54.Google Scholar

25. On the DDP's losses in the 1920 Reichstag elections, see the reports submitted by Jansen, and Kneist, in Bericht über die Verhandlungen des 2. ordentlichen Parteitages der Deutschen Demokratischen Partei abgehalten in Nürnberg 11./14. Dezember 1920, ed. Reichsgeschäftsstelle der Deutschen Demokratischen Partei (Berlin, 1921), pp. 14–23, 165–68.Google Scholar

26. Frye, Bruce B., “The German Democratic Party, 1918–1930,” Western Political Quarterly, XVI (1963), 177–79;Google ScholarDix, Arthur, Die deutschen Reichstagswahlen 1871–1930 und die Wandlungen der Volksgliederung (Tübingen, 1930), pp. 24–27.Google Scholar

27. Stolper, Gustav, Die wirtschaftlich-soziale Weltanschauung der Demokratie (Berlin, 1929), pp. 4–7.Google Scholar

28. Stolper's proposals found support even among those who stood considerably to the right of the DDP. Cf. Luther, Hans, “Finanzreform und Staatsreform,” Der Deutsche Volkswirt, IV, No. 6 (11 8, 1929), 171–74.Google Scholar

29. An excellent illustration of the inability of German liberals to comprehend the importance of economic and social factors can be seen in the most comprehensive treatment of National Socialism written during the Weimar period, Heuss, Theodor, Hitlers Weg. Eine historisch-politische Studie über den Nationalsozialismus (Stuttgart, Berlin, and Leipzig, 1932).Google Scholar In spite of his numerous insights into the character of the National Socialist movement, Heuss ignores almost completely the various social and economic factors which contributed so decisively to the rise of Hitler. A valuable corrective to this point of view can be found in the articles by Stephan, Werner in the Zeitschrift für Politik in 1931 and 1932. Stephan, who served as general ecretary of the DDP from 1922 to 1929. was one of the few German liberals to analyze the rise of National Socialism in sociological terms.Google Scholar Cf. Stephan, , “Zur Soziologie der Nationalsozialistischen Deutschen Arbeiterpartei,” Zeitschrift für Politik, xx, No. 12 (03 1931), 793–800.Google Scholar

30. Stresemarm, , “Das bittere Ende,” in Von der Revolution bis zum Frieden von Versailles. Reden und Aufsätze (Berlin, 1919), p. 176.Google Scholar Cf. Hartenstein, Anfänge, pp. 202–209.

31. Stresemann, , “Durch Arbeit und Opfer zur Freiheit!” Reden und Schriften. Politik—Geschichte—Literatur 1897–1926, ed. Rheinbaben, Rochus von (Berlin, 1926), II, 180–81.Google Scholar

32. Hertzman, Lewis, “Gustav Stresemann: The Problem of Political Leadership in the Weimar Republic,” International Review of Social History, v (1960), 370–71;Google ScholarTurner, Henry Ashby Jr., Stresemann and the Politics of the Weimar Republic (Princeton, 1963), pp. 181, 267.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

33. Rheinbaben, Werner von, “Welches Gegen-Argument hörten Sie auf häufigsten?” Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, May 27, 1928, Nos. 243–244.Google Scholar

34. Stresemann to Kahl, Mar. 13, 1929, in Stresemann, , Vermāchtnis. Der Nachlass in drei Bänden, ed. Bernhard, Henry (Berlin, 1932–1933), III, 437.Google Scholar

35. On the conffict between Stresemann and the DVP's industrial wing, see Turner, Stresemaun, pp. 238–62. Among other things, the DVP's industrial wing wanted to force the party out of the “Great Coalition.” Cf. Hugo, Otto, “Deutsche Volkspartei und Grosse Koalition,” Berliner Börsen-Zeitung, Mar. 5, 1929, as well as Hugo's speech before the DVP central executive committee, Feb. 26, 1929, in the unpublished records of the German People's Party, Bundesarcbiv,Google Scholar Koblenz, Bestand R 45 II, vol. 43, pp. 323–33 (hereafter cited as BA: R 45 II/43/323–33).

36. For an analysis of the effect which the ascendancy of the DVP's industrial interests had upon the party's political base, see Thiel, Otto, Wie kommen wir zu einer grossen Deutschen Volkspartei? Vortrag, geh. auf der Tagung der Reichsgemeinschaft junger Volksparteiler in Berlin am 26. Oktober 1930 (printed privately and circulated in manuscript form), pp. 5–7.Google Scholar

37. Lindeiner-Wildau, Hans Erdmann von, “Konservatismus,” Volk und Reich der Deutschen, II, 59.Google Scholar On the founding and social composition of the DNVP, see Hertzman, Lewis, “The Founding of the German National People's Party (DNVP), November 1918–January 1919,” Journal of Modern History, xxx (1958), 24–36;CrossRefGoogle ScholarLiebe, Werner, Die Deutschnationale Volkspartei 1918–1924 (Düsseldorf, 1956), pp. 7–18.Google Scholar

38. Westarp, Kuno von, “Der Konservative im heutigen Staat,” Der Ring, Politische Wochenschrift, III, No. 7 (02 16, 1930), 123–25.Google Scholar

39. On the DNVP's losses in the 1928 election, see the memorandum from the desk of the German National Workers' Association (Deutschnationaler Arbeiterbund) to Westarp, June 12, 1928, in the unpublished Nachlass of Count Kuno von Westarp (hereafter cited as NL Westarp), which is in the possession of Westarp's grandson, Friedrich Freiherr Hiller von Gaertringen. For further information on the crisis within the DNVP, see Stürmer, Michael, Koalition und Opposition in der Weimarer Republik 1924–1928 (Düsseldorf, 1967), pp. 249–54,Google Scholar as well as the excellent monograph by Dörr, Manfred, “Die Deutschnationale Volkspartei 1925 bis 1928” (unpub. diss., Marburg, 1964), pp. 362–90.Google Scholar

40. On the concept of an “integration” party, see Neumann, Sigmund, Die Parteien der Weimarer Republik, intro. Karl Dietrich Bracher (2nd ed., Stuttgart, 1965), pp. 105–10.Google Scholar

41. Drewitz, Hermann, “Die politische Standesbewegung des deutschen Mittelstandes vor und nach dem Krieg,” Jahrbuch der Reichspartei des deutschen Mittelstandes (Berlin, 1929), pp. 13–32;Google ScholarBredt, Johann Victor, Erinnerungen und Dokumente von Joh. Victor Bredt 1914 bis 1933, ed. Schumacher, Martin (Düsseldorf, 1970), pp. 161–66.Google Scholar

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43. Bauser, Adolf, “Notwendigkeit, Aufgaben und Ziele der Volksrechtspartei,” Fur Wahrheit und Recht. Der Endkampf um eine gerechte Aufwertung. Reden und Aufsätze (Stuttgart, 1927), pp. 90–95.Google Scholar

44. Stoltenberg, Gerhard, Die politischen Strömungen im schleswig-holsteinischen Landvolk 1918–1933 (Düsseldorf, 1962), pp. 110–11.Google Scholar For the list of demands submitted by the demonstrators in Schleswig-Holstein, see the enclosure attached to the letter from von Jacobi to Westarp, Feb. 2, 1928, NL Westarp. Cf. Angress, Werner, “The Political Role of the Peasantry in the Weimar Republic,” Review of Politics, XXI (1959), 530–49.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

45. On the founding of the German Peasants' Party, see the remarks by Wente, Wachorst de before the DDP executive committee on Mar. 6, 1928, in the unpublished records of the German Democratic Party, Bundesarchiv,Google Scholar Koblenz, Bestand R 45 III, vol. 20, pp. 128–29 (hereafter cited as BA: R 45 III/20/128–29), as well as the Deutsche Bauernzeitung, Apr. 1, 1928, No. 12.

46. Schlange-Schöningen to Westarp, Jan. 25, 1928, and Westarp to von Wilmowsky, Feb. 23, 1928, both in NL Westarp. For the Nationalist response to agrarian discontent in the winter of 1928, see Schiele, Martin, “Die Agrarpolitik der Deutschnationalen Volkspartei in den Jahren 1925/28,” Der nationale Wille. Werden und Wirken der Deutschnationalen Volkspartei 1918–1928, ed. Weiss, Max (Essen, 1928), pp. 300–304.Google Scholar

47. Hepp, Karl, “Landvolk und Staat,” Der Ring, II, No. 8 (02 24, 1929), 144–45.Google Scholar Cf. Kölnische Zeitung, Mar. 8, 1928, No. 138a.

48. Lepsius, Extremer Nationalismus, p. 22. For a detailed analysis of this trend on a regional level, see the monographs by Wulf, Peter, Die politische Haltung des schleswigholsteinischen Handwerks 1928–1932 (Cologne, 1969);CrossRefGoogle ScholarHeberle, Rudolf, Landvolkbevölkerung und Nationalsozialismus. Eine soziologische Untersuchung der politischen Willensbildung in Schleswig-Holstein 1918 bis 1932 (Stuttgart, 1963).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

49. Habermann, Max, “Querverbindungen,” Deutsche Handels-Wacht, xxxv, No. 14 (07 25, 1928), 281–82.Google Scholar Cf. Lambach, Walther, Die Herrschaft der Füfhundert. Ein Bild des parlamentarischen Lebens im neuen Deutschland (Hamburg and Berlin, 1926), pp. 75–84.Google Scholar

50. Croner, Fritz, “Die Angestelltenbewegung nach der Währungsstabilisierung,” Archiv für Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik, LX, No. 1 (1928), 103–46.Google Scholar On the founding and history of the DHV, see Hamel, Iris, Völkischer Verband und nationale Gesellschaft. Der Deutschnationale Handlungsgehilfenverband 1893–1933 (Hamburg, 1967).Google Scholar

51. Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, June 10, 1928. For an excellent illustration of the frustration which the DHV and its sister organization felt towards the established bourgeois parties and the parliamentary system in general, see Bechly, Hans, Die Führerfrage im neuen Deutschland. Vortrag, gehalten auf dem 18. Kaufmannsgehilfentag am 10. Juni 1928 in Dresden (Hamburg, 1928), pp. 17–31.Google Scholar Cf. Hamel, Völkischer Verband, pp. 215–18.

52. Theil, “Denkscrift über die Reorganization der Deutschen Volkspartei,” Dec. 31, 1928, appended to Thiel's letter of Jan. 5, 1929, to the members of the DVP executive committee, in the unpublished Nachlass of Karl Jarres, Bundesarchiv, Koblenz, vol. 41 (hereafter cited as BA: NL Jarres, 41).

53. Thiel, , “Volksparrtei oder Klassenpartei?” Deutsche Stimmen, XLI, No. 3 (02 5, 1929), 71–76.Google Scholar On the activities of the white-collar movement within the DVP, see Thiel, , “Deustche Volkspartei,” Internationales Hendwörterbuch des Gewerkschaftswesens, ed. Heyde, Ludwig (Berlin, 1931–1932), 1, 347–49.Google Scholar

54. Glatzel, , “Was will die Reichsgemeinschaft junger Volksparteiler?” Niedersächsisches Wochenblatt, XXXVI, No. 12 (06 22, 1929).Google Scholar On the founding of the RjV, see Meier, Alexander, “Das Ergebnis von Weimar,” Deutsche Stimmen, XLI, No. 11 (06 5, 1929), 321–29;Google ScholarReichsgemeinschaft junger Volksparteiler, Ziel und Aufmarsch (Lobau, n.d. [1929]), passim.Google Scholar

55. On the various efforts to prevent the election of Scholz to the chairmanship of the DVP, see Luther's letter of Oct. 11, 1929, to Walter Jaenicke in Luther's unpublished Nachlass, Bundesarchiv, Koblenz, vol. 296, as well as the two letters from Bretschneider to Thiel dated Nov. 8 and 22, 1929, in the records of the DVP, provincial organization Braunschweig, in the Stadtarchiv, Braunschweiger, Bestand GX6, vol. 605 (hereafter cited as BrStA: GX6/605).Google Scholar

56. Lambach, , “Monarchismus,” Politische Wochenschrift, IV, No. 24 (06 14, 1928), 485–87.Google Scholar On the rebellious mood of the DNVP white-collar contingent in the summer and fall of 1928, see Treviranus to Restorff, Aug. 23, 1928, and Lambach to Rippel and Koch, Oct. 11, 1928, both in NL Westarp. For the most detailed account of the Lambach episode and its impact upon the situation within the DNVP, see Dörr, “Deutschnationale Volkspartei,” pp. 391–425.

57. Hugenberg, “Block oder Brei?” Berliner Lokal-Anzeiger, Aug. 26 and 28, 1928, Nos. 404–406. For a provocative, yet objective treatment of Hugenberg's activities as chairman of the DNVP, see Leopold, John A., “Alfred Hugenberg and German Politics” (unpub. diss., Catholic University, Washington, D.C., 1970).Google Scholar

58. For the most detailed account of the secession from the DNVP, see the memorandum prepared by Westarp on the origins and course of the crisis within the DNVP, Nov.–Dec. 1929, NL Westarp. The secondary material on the splintering of the DNVP is quite extensive. The best study is an unpublished doctoral dissertation by Friedenthal, Elizabeth, “Volksbegehren und Volksentscheid über den Young Plan und die Deutschnationale Sezession” (Tübingen, 1957).Google Scholar For further information, see Chanady, Attila, “The Disintegration of the German National People's Party, 1924–1930,” Journal of Modern History, XXXIX (1967), 65–91;CrossRefGoogle ScholarGaertringen, Freiherr Huller von, “Die Deutschnationale Volkspartei,” Das Ende der Parteien 1933, pp. 544–53;Google Scholar Bracher, Auflösung, pp. 309–22.

59. Mahraun, Arthur, “Der parlamentarische Aufbruch,” Der Meister, v, No. 5 (02 1930), 193–200.Google Scholar

60. On the founding of the CSVD, see the official brochure, Um die neue Front. Die Vereiningung der Stöckerschen Christlich-sozialen (Christlich-soziale Richsvereiningung) mit dem Christlichen Volksdienst. Ein Rückblick auf die Berliner Verhandlungen vom 27./28. Dezember 1929 (Korntal-Stuttgart, n.d. [1930]), pp. 15–22.Google Scholar On the general ideological outlook of the CSVD, see Hülser, Gustav, “Christlich-sozialer Volksdienst,” Internationales Handwörterbuch des Gewerkschaftswesens, II, 1922–1923,Google Scholar as the recent monograph by Opitz, Günther, Der christlich-soziale Volksdienst. Versuch einer protestantischen Partei in der Weimarer Republik (Düsseldorf, 1969), pp. 137–73.Google Scholar

61. Treviranus, G. R., Auf neuen Wegen (Berlin, 1930), pp. 3–8;Google ScholarLambach, Walther, “Volksonservative Vereinigung”, Internationales Handwörterbuch des Gewerkschaftswesens, II, 1930–1932.Google Scholar The best study on the People' Conservatives is by Jonas, Erasmus, Die Volkskonservativen 1928–1933 (Düsseldorf, 1965).Google Scholar On their secession from the DNVP and the founding of the People's Convervative Union, see pp. 23–60. On the supper which they recevied from the DHV, see Hamel, Völkischer Verband, pp. 229–38.

62. Entry in the personal dialry of Koch-Weser, Erich, Nov. 27, 1929,Google Scholar in Koch-Weser's unpublished Nachlass, Bundesarchiv, Koblenz, vol. 101, pp. 125–31. The meeting took place in Vitznau on Sept. 22, 1929, a week or so after the two had first discussed the matter at Geneva. Cf. Vallentin, Antonina, Stresemann. Vom Werden einer Staatside (Munich and Leipzig, 1947), pp. 283–88.Google Scholar

63. See the record of the meeting between representatives from all of the major bourgeois parties in the Hotel Continental, Berlin, on Mar. 17, 1930, in BrStA: GX6/612. Among those who attended the meeting were Koch-Weser from the DDP, Thiel and Glatzel from the DVP, Treviranus from the People's Conservative Union, and Gotthard Sachsenberg from the Business Party. The meeting was sponsored by the Liberal Association (Liberale Vereinigung), an organization founded in 1924 in an effort to bring about a fusion of the DVP and DDP. Cf. Vereinigung, Liberale, Liberaler Tag im deutschen Reichstag, Berlin, den 1. Juni 1928 (Dresden, 1928), pp. 54–56.Google Scholar

64. Remarks by Scholz, Ernst before the DVP national committee, July 31, 1930, BA: R 45 II/32/395–97. Scholz also alluded to Brüning's support of his efforts in a speech delivered in Münster on June 1, 1930.Google Scholar Cf. Zeitung, Kölnische, June 2, 1930, No. 299. For Brüning's attitude toward a reform of the German party system,Google Scholar see Schwering, Leo, “Stegerwalds und Brünings Vorstellungen über Parteireform und Parteiensystem,” in Staat, Wirtschaft und Politik in der Weimarer Republik. Festschrift für Heinrich Brüning, ed. Hermens, Ferdinand A. and Schieder, Theodor (Berlin, 1967), pp. 23–40.Google Scholar

65. Interview with Scholz in the Neue Freie Presse, July 15, 1928, No. 22928.

66. Remarks by Theil and Bechly at a meeting of the DVP centrat executive committee, July 4, 1930, BA: R 45 II/46/119–39, 177–89, and Glatzel's article “Zum Parteitag der DVP,” Der Deutsche, Mar. 22, 1930, No. 69.

67. Glatzel to Jarres, Dec. 11, 1929, BA: NL Jarres, 40.

68. Hugo, Otto, “Der Ruf nach Sammlung,” Königsberger Allgemeine Zeitung, May 19, 1930.Google Scholar Cf. Gilsa to Resuch, May 1, 1930, in the unpublished Nachlass of Paul Reusch, Historisches Archiv der Gute-Hoffnungs-Hütte, Oberhausen, 400101293/4 (hereafter cited as HA/GHH: NL Resch, 400101293/4).

69. Scholz's remarks before the DVP national committee, Mar. 2, 1930, BA: R 45 II/32/35–27.

70. Minutes of the DVP party congress, Mannheim, Mar. 22–23, 1930, BA: R 45 II/31/131–35.

71. Scholz's remarks at a meeting of the DVP Reichstag delegation, May 28, 1930, BA: R 45 II/67/240–41, and before the DVP central executive committee, July 4, 1930, BA: R 45 II/46/75–77. On the crisis within the DDP, see the minutes of the DDP party council, Halle, May 25, 1930, BA: R 45 III/14/44–76.

72. Mahraun, Arthur, Das jungdeutsche Manifest (Berlin, 1927), pp. 7–10, 95–107, 139–42, 197–203.Google Scholar The best available study of the Young German Order is Hornung, Klaus, Der Jungdeutsche Order (Düsseldorf, 1958), athough Hornung did not have access to many of the unpublished materials which have been accumulated by Walter Hillmann, director of the Jungdeustsches Archiv in Berlin-Steglitz, since the book's publication. A further shorttcoming of the book is the uncritical stance which its author assumes toward the Order and its High Master, Arthur Mahraun.Google Scholar

73. Mahraun, , Die neue Front. Hindenburgs Sendung (Berlin, 1928), pp. 95–100.Google Scholar For a provocative analysis of the Order's social and political goals, see Winschuh, Josef, “Bündische Bewegung und Sozialpolitik,” Soziale Praxis, xxxix, No. 24 (06 12, 1930), 561–65.Google Scholar

74. Mahraun, , “Gedanken über die Politik des Jungdeutschen Orders im Jahre 1928,” Der Meister, IV, No. 4 (01 1929), 152–53.Google Scholar

75. Minutes of the 19th High Chapeter of the Young German Order, Jan. 26–27, 1929, Jungdeutsches Archiv, Berlin-Steglitz. Cf. Mahraun, “Der Staat sind wir,” Der Jungdeutsche, Feb. 3, 1929, No. 29.

76. Minutes of the 23rd High Chapter of the Young German Order, Oct. 12–13, 1929, Jungdeutsches Archiv, Berlin-Steglitz.

77. Speech by Mahraun at the Official founding of the VNR, in Volksnationale Reichsverinigung, Der erste Richsvertretertag am 5. und 6. April 1930 (Berlin, 1930), pp. 50–56.Google Scholar Cf. Mahraun, , “Die Volksnationale Reichsvereinigung,” Der Meister, v, No. 2 (11 1929), 49–64.Google Scholar

78. Pastenaci, Kurt, “Die Deutsche Volkspartei und wir,” Der Jungdeutsche, Mar. 25, 1930, No. 71;Google Scholar Pastenaci, “Neue Sammlungparole,” Der Jungdeutsche, Apr. 23, 1930, No. 94; Goldschey, Erich, “Dr. Scholz befiehlt!” Der Jungdeutsche, May 3, 1930, No. 102.Google Scholar

79. Mahraun, , “Gedanken über das Eingreifen der Volksnationale Reichsvereingung in Sachsen,” Der Meister, v, No. 10 (07 1930), 441–48. For the campaign strategy of the VNR in the Saxon elections, see the instructions circulated by the local VNR organization in Saxony, “Rüstzeug Nr. I für die Redner,” June 3, 1930, Jungdeutsches Archiv, Berlin-Steglitz, folder XI/I.Google Scholar

80. Bracher, Auflösung, pp. 170–73. Cf. Bracher, , Die deutsche Diktatur. Entstehung, Struktur, Folgen des Nationalsozialimus (Cologne and Berlin, 1969), pp. 166–83;Google ScholarSchäfer, Wolfgang, Die NSDAP. Entwicklung und Struktur der Staatspartei des dritten Reiches (Hanover and Frankfurt a. M., 1957), pp. 12–16.Google Scholar

81. Orlow, Dietrich, The History of the Nazi Party: 1919–1933 (Pittsburgh, 1969), pp. 128–55, 175–84.Google Scholar

82. Krebs, Albert, Tendenzen und Gestalten der NSDAP. Erinnerungen an der Frühzeit der Partei (Stuttgart, 1959), pp. 15–33.Google Scholar Cf. Hamel, Völkischer Verband, pp. 238–61.

83. Remarks by Thiel and Bechly before the DVP central executive committee, July 4, 1930; BA: R 45 II/46/119–39.

84. Feder, Gottfried, Das Programm der NSDAP und seine weltanschauulichen Grundlagen, (Munich, 1931), p. 4.Google Scholar

85. Angress, “Political Role of the Peasantry,” pp. 546–47; Gies, Horst, “NSDAP und landwirtschaftliche Organisationen in der Endphase der Weimarer Republik,” Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, xv (1967), 341–76.Google Scholar

86. Westarp, “Das Ziel konservativen Zusammenschlusses,” Neue Preussische (Kreuz-) Zeitung, July 25, 1930, No. 208. Cf. Westarp's unpublished account of these nogotiations, ‘Meine Verhandlungen zwischen dem 18. Juli und 18. Oktober 1930,” NL Westarp.

87. Blank to Reusch, July 23, 1930, HA/GHH: NL Reusch, 4001012024/7. Cf. the resolution of the CNBLP, July 22, 1930, in the Königsberger Allgemeine Zeitung, July 23, 1930. The best account of the negotiations between Westarp and Farmers' Party is in Westarp's own “Verhandlungen,” NL Westarp.

88. Neue Preussische (Kreuz–) Zeitung, July 25, 1930, No. 208. For a detailed account of the negotiations which led to the founding of the KVP, see the reports from Blank to Reush for July 21 and 24, 1930, both in HA/GHH: NL Reusch, 4001012024/7. For further information, consult Jonas, Volkskonservativen, pp. 79–82.

89. Blank to Reusch, July 21, 1930, HA/GHH: NL Reusch, 4001012024/7.

90. Nationalliberale Correspondenz, July 23, 1930, No. 140.

91. Blank to Reusch, July 23, 1930, HA/GHH: NL Reusch, 4001012024/7; Reusch to Weinlig, Sept. 5, 1930, ibid., 400101293/10. Cf. “Verhandlungen,” NL Westarp.

92. Remarks by Scholz before the DVP national committee, July 31, 1930, BA: R 45 II/32/255–59. Cf. Nationalliberale Correspondenz, Aug. 1, 1930, No. 147.

93. Remarks by Meyer, Oskar and Koch-Weser, at the meeting of the DDP executive committee, July 25, 1930, BA: R 45 III/22/77–83.Google Scholar

94. For the most through treatment of the founding of the DStP, see Beeck, Karl-Hermann, “Die Gründung der Deutschen Staatspartei im Jahre 1930 im Zusammenhang der Neuordnungsversuch des Liberalismus” (unpub. diss., Cologne, 1957), pp. 141–77, as well as ch. nine of my dissertation, “The Dying Middle,” pp. 502–67.Google Scholar For additional studies, consult Matthias, Erich and Morsey, Rudolf, “Die Deutsche Staatspartei,” Das Ende der Parteien 1933, pp. 31–39;Google ScholarChanady, Attila, “The Dissolution of the German Democratic Party in 1930,” American Historical Review, LXX (1968), 1445–53.Google Scholar

95. Mahraun at the press conference announcing the founding of the DStP, July 28, 1930, in the Kölnische Zeitung, July 28, 1930, No. 408.

96. On the negotiations between the founders of the DStP and the leaders of the DVP's left wing, see the remarks by Glatzel and Eduard Dingeldey before the DVP national committee, July 31, 1930, BA: R 45 II/32/297–307, 329–37, as well as the Nationalliberale Correspondenz, July 30, 1930, No. 145.

97. Kölnische Zeitung, Aug. 4, 1930, No. 421. For the attitude of the RjV leadership, see Glatzel, “Die jungen Volksparteiler und die Staatspartei,” Berliner Börsen-Courier, Aug. 1, 1930, No. 354.

98. Minutes of the DVP national committe, July 31, 1930, BA: R 45 II/32/245–421.

99. Berliner Börsen-Courier, Aug. 8, 1930, No. 365. For the two sides of the meeting, see Scholz, “Der Sinn des Zusammenschlusses,” Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, Aug. 9, 1930, Nos. 365–366; Scholz, “Was ich will,” Kölinische Zeitung, Aug. 10, 1930, No. 433; Dietrich, Hermann, “Der schwarze Donnerstag,” Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, Aug. 9, 1930, Nos. 365–366;Google ScholarHöpker-Aschoff, Hermann, “Das freie Bürgertum,” Kölnische Zeitung, 08 13, 1930, No. 440.Google Scholar

100. For the most detailed account of these negotiations, see the report prepared by Westarp, “Bericht über die Verhandlungen der DVP wegan Zusammenwirkens für das Hindenburgprogramm,” NL Westarp. For the DVP point of view, see Volkspartei, Deutsche, Reichsgeschäftsstelle, , ed., Mit Hindenburg für Deutschlands Rettung! (Berlin, 1930), pp. 24–29.Google Scholar

101. Reusch to Weinlig, Sept. 5, 1930, HA/GHH: NL Reusch, 400101293/10.

102. For an excellent statement of the positions which these two parties took, see the manuscript of an article entitle “Sammlung?!” by Colosser, Otto of the Business Party, appended to his letter of Aug. 9, 1930, to Westarp, NL Westarp.Google Scholar

103. For the text of the agreement signed by the three parties, see Nationalliberale Correspondenz, Aug. 22, 1930. No. 162. For information on the role which German business circles played in bringing about this agreement, see Blank to Reusch, Aug. 13, 1930, HA/GHH: NL Reusch, 4001012024/7; Blank to Reusch, Aug. 28, 1930, ibid.

104. Speech by Dietrich, Hermann, 07 18, 1930, Verhandlungen des Reichstages, CCCCXXVIII, 6517.Google Scholar

105. Schäfer, NSDAP, pp. 16–20. The manner in which the Nazi leadership achieved this identification of private interests with the general welfare has been explored by Gerth, Hans, “The Nazi Party: Its Leadership and Composition,” American Journal of Sociology, XLV (1940), 526–29.Google Scholar