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⁵³ “Heavy Drinking Rewires Brain, Increasing Susceptibility to Anxiety Problems,” Science News (Sept. 2, 2012) (https://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2012/09/120902143143.htm).

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⁶⁵ Benz, Handlanger der SS, 213-14.

⁶⁶ Kogon, Theory and Practice of Hell, 118. See also The Buchenwald Report, 44.

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⁷⁵ Love, Nancy S., Trendy Fascism: White Power Music and the Future of Democracy (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2016), 2Google Scholar, 104, 117. Love's study, though focused on contemporary white-supremacist groups, offers important and relevant insights into the use of song and music to generate hatred and spur acts of political or racial violence, and thus has clear applicability to the use of both under Nazism.

⁷⁶ Höss, Rudolf, Death Dealer: The Memoirs of the SS Kommandant at Auschwitz, ed. Paskuly, Steven, trans. Pollinger, Andrew (New York: Da Capo Press, 1992), 63Google Scholar.

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⁷⁹ Murdoch, Brian, Fighting Songs and Warring Words: Popular Lyrics of Two World Wars (London: Routledge, 1990), 126Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ Mosse, George, Fallen Soldiers: Reshaping the Memory of the World Wars (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), 22Google Scholar. The use of song to build camaraderie can also be seen in the American West. See Moore, Cow Boys and Cattle Men, 129.

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⁸⁴ Walter, Antisemitische Kriminalität und Gewalt, 200.

⁸⁵ Kühne, Rise and Fall of Comradeship, 33.

⁸⁶ Pieper, Henning, Fegelein's Horsemen and Genocidal Warfare: The SS Cavalry Brigade in the Soviet Union (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015), 108Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ Kühne, “The Pleasure of Terror,” 239-40.

⁸⁸ Academy of Sciences of the Ukrainian SSR, Institute of Law, Nazi Crimes in Ukraine, 1941–1944, trans. V. I. Biley, S. I. Kazandy, and A. E. Sologubenko (Kiev: Naukova Dumka Publishers, 1987), 106, 212.

⁸⁹ Wachsmann, KL, 331.

⁹⁰ Musmanno, Michael A., The Eichmann Kommandos (Philadelphia, PA: Macrae Smith Company, 1961), 171Google Scholar. In this case, SS Standartenführer Walter Blume organized these events for the men under his command.

⁹¹ Ingrao, Christian, The SS Dirlewanger Brigade: The History of the Black Hunters, trans. Green, Phoebe (New York: Skyhorse Publishing, 2011), 115Google Scholar.

⁹² Miller et al., “Alcohol, Masculinity, Honour and Male Barroom Aggression,” 137.

⁹³ Matthäus, Böhler, and Mallmann, War, Pacification, and Mass Murder, 70.

⁹⁴ Ibid., 78.

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⁹⁶ Klemp, Stefan, Freispruch für das „Mord-Bataillon” (Münster: LIT Verlag, 1998), 49Google Scholar.

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⁹⁸ Mellström, Ulf, “Changing Affective Economies of Masculine Machineries and Military Masculinities? From Ernst Jünger to Shannen Rossmiller,” Masculinities and Social Change 2, no. 1 (2012): 5Google Scholar.

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¹⁰⁰ Jürgen Matthäus, “An vorderster Front: Voraussetzungen für die Beteilung der Ordnungspolizei an der Shoah,” in Paul, Täter der Shoah, 157.

¹⁰¹ Geldmacher, Thomas, “Wir Wiener waren ja bei der Bevölkerung beliebt”: Österreichische Schutzpolizisten und die Judenvernichtung in Ostgalizien, 1941–1945 (Vienna: Mandelbaum Verlag, 2002), 117-19Google Scholar.

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¹⁰³ Mallmann et al., Deutscher Osten, 132. Police Battalion 9, along with Police Battalion 3, were the two battalions that served with the Einsatzgruppen in the occupied East. For a discussion of their activities, see Klemp, Stefan, “Nicht Ermittelt”: Polizeibataillone und die Nachkriegsjustiz. Ein Handbuch (Essen: Klartext, 2005), 78-84Google Scholar, 88-103.

¹⁰⁴ Kühne, “The Pleasure of Terror,” 241; Buchheim, Hans, Anatomie des SS-Staates, vol. 1: Die SS: Das Herrschaftsinstrument Befehl und Gehorsam (Munich: DTV, 1967), 255Google Scholar. The use of gendered insults to denote alleged weakness or femininity was not unique to Nazi Germany, but can be found in the socialization process of many military organizations. See Barrett, Frank J., “The Organizational Construction of Hegemonic Masculinity: The Case of the US Navy,” Gender, Work, and Organizations 3, no. 3 (1996): 133CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹⁰⁷ Ibid., 47.

¹⁰⁸ Friedlander, Saul, Memory, History, and the Extermination of the Jews of Europe (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993), 110Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁹ Kimberly Allar, “Ravensbrück's Pupils: Creating a Nazi Female Guard Force,” Lessons and Legacies XIV: The Holocaust in the 21^st Century, paper at Claremont-McKenna College, Nov. 6, 2016. In a similar way, German women were lectured about the perils of alcohol use, a message that apparently found little resonance among the female SS guards at Ravensbrück. See Helm, Sarah, Ravensbrück: Life and Death in Hitler's Concentration Camp for Women (New York: Doubleday, 2014)Google Scholar, 20, 26, 141, 376.

¹¹⁰ Mailänder, Elissa, Female SS Guards and Workaday Violence: The Majdanek Concentration Camp, 1942–1944, trans. Szobar, Patricia (East Lansing: Michigan State University, 2015), 253Google Scholar. It is interesting that these women primarily used their firearms to pistol-whip prisoners, a practice certainly influenced by the expectations of the male members of the SS.

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¹¹³ Browning, Christopher, Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution (New York: HarperCollins, 1992), 66Google Scholar, 72.

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¹¹⁵ Gregory, Jeanne and Lees, Sue, Policing Sexual Assault (London: Routledge, 1999), 131Google Scholar. For a contemporary perspective linking hypermasculinity with cases of sexual assault in the US military, see Michael T. Crawford, “A Culture of Hypermasculinity is Driving Sexual Assault in the Military,” Huffington Post (http://www.huffingtonpost.com/michael-t-crawford/a-culture-of-hypermasculi_b_5147191.html).

¹¹⁶ Mühlhäuser, Regina, Eroberungen: Sexuelle Gewalttaten und intime Beziehungen deutscher Soldaten in der Sowjetunion, 1941–1945 (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 2010), 77Google Scholar.

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¹¹⁸ Sanday, Peggy, “Rape Free versus Rape Prone: How Culture Makes a Difference,” in Evolution, Gender, and Rape, ed. Travis, Cheryl Brown (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2003), 337Google Scholar.

¹¹⁹ Quoted in Herzog, Dagmar, Sex after Fascism: Memory and Morality in Twentieth-Century Germany (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005), 86Google Scholar.

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¹²⁶ Ingrao, Dirlewanger Brigade, 85; Helm, Ravensbrück, 376-77.

¹²⁷ Kühne, “The Pleasure of Terror,” 245.

¹²⁸ Lerner, Gerda, The Creation of Patriarchy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), 80Google Scholar; Mühlhäuser, “Between ‘Racial Awareness’ and Fantasies of Potency,” 200-1.

¹²⁹ Sanday, “Rape Free versus Rape Prone,” 343. Sanday's example concerns a case of gang rape by a group of men in a university fraternity, but her argument also can be applied to the actions of the SS in the occupied East. Sanday's findings about the group-bonding motive for gang rape is supported by Cohen, Dara Kay, Rape during Civil War (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2016), 30Google Scholar.

¹³⁰ In addition to Mühlhäuser, Eroberungen, other important works on this subject include Hedgepeth, Sonja and Saidel, Rochelle, eds., Sexual Violence against Women during the Holocaust (Waltham, MA: Brandeis University Press, 2010)Google Scholar; Waitman Beorn, “Bodily Conquest: Sexual Violence in the Nazi East,” in Mass Violence in Nazi Occupied Europe: New Debates and Perspectives, ed. David Stahel and Alexander Kay (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, forthcoming). I would like to thank Waitman Beorn for sharing the prepublication draft of this chapter.

¹³¹ Na'ama Shik, “Sexual Abuse of Jewish Women in Auschwitz-Birkenau,” in Herzog, Brutality and Desire, 232.

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¹³⁴ Quoted in Theweleit, Klaus, Male Fantasies: vol. 2: Psychoanalyzing the White Terror, trans. Carter, Erica and Turner, Chris (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1989), 300-1Google Scholar.

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¹³⁶ Mühlhäuser, Eroberungen, 98-99; Müller, “Männlichkeit und Gewalt,” 136-37; Burds, “Sexual Violence,” 45-46.

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¹³⁹ Quoted in Ibid., 244.

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