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A Community in Transition: Painters in Munich, 1886–1924

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 December 2008

Extract

The idea of writing a social and economic history of Munich painters in the period between the death of King Ludwig II and the end of the German inflation evolved from earlier work on literary and theatrical censorship in the city. It soon became clear that artists, compared with writers and especially dramatists, normally ran little risk of police interference. Although pictures were occasionally removed from exhibitions, or rehung, for religious, moral, or political reasons, such cases were rare and controversial. Generally speaking, only artist-contributors to satirical papers like Simplicissimus, or specialists in erotic book illustration, were at all likely to fall foul of the law. Most painters' principal concern was not legal but financial: how to survive economically in the uncertain market conditions which had followed the Gründerzeit art boom.

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Copyright © Conference Group for Central European History of the American Historical Association 1982

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References

I am grateful to the Wolfson Foundation and the University of Warwick for grants and sabbatical leave which enabled me to complete research for this study. The principal archival sources used were the files of the Bavarian Ministry of Church and School Affairs (MK) in the Bayerische Hauptstaatsarchiv, AUgemeine Abteilung (AStAM); of the Munich municipal Kulturamt in the Munich City Archive (MSA); the Nachlass Wilhelm Weigand in the Main-Frankisches Museum in Wiirzburg (MFMW); and the Nachlasse Hugo von Habermann and Robert Breyer in the Wiirzburg City Gallery (SGW). Other archives are cited in full.

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3. Adressbuch für München, 1887, pt. 2, pp. 43–56.

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23. See AStAM, MK files on honors and purchases.

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42. Reliable information on picture prices is scarce, due to painters' own reticence and the unavailability of dealers' records. Exhibition prices were rarely marked in catalogues, and were anyway probably negotiable; and auction results bore no necessary relation to an artist's current selling prices. The quite extensive records of Bavarian state purchases have to be used with caution: while exorbitant prices were paid for the work of a few prominent figures, the state evidently drove a hard bargain lower down the scale.

43. Munich, Bay. Kriegsarchiv, OP 69691: Reserve Light Inf. Regt. 16 to 12th Bav. Res. Inf. Brigade, Mar. 18, 1915.

44. Thiemann, C., Erinnerungen eines Dachauer Malers: Beiträge zur Geschichte Dachaus als Künstlerort (Munich, n.d.), pp. 2526.Google Scholar

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46. Weiss, Kandinsky in Munich, p. 64.

47. See AStAM, MK 14 163; and Staatsarchiv f. München, Polizeidirektion 3428.

48. AStAM, MK 14 163: MK to Foreign Ministry, Dec. 3, 1903.

49. Brougier, A., Gedanken über die fernere Entwicklung Münchens als Kunst- und Industriestadt (Munich, 1905)Google Scholar; and Kutter, P., Das materielle Elend der jungen Münchener Maler (Munich, 1911).Google Scholar

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53. For details about Klee's circumstances, see Briefe an die Familie, 1893–1940.

54. AStAM, MK 14 134 and 14 266.

55. AStAM, MK 14 229.

56. See printed Bericht und Mitgliederverzeichnis für 1912.

57. Deiters, H., Geschichte der allgemeinen deutschen Kunstgenossenschaft (Düsseldorf, n.d.), Pp. 57.Google Scholar

58. Drey, “Der Kunstmarkt,” pp. 91–93; and AStAM, Min. of Justice 17 482–83a.

59. MSA, Kulturamt 149: printed report for 1913.

60. Drey, “Der Kunstmarkt,” pp. 170–71.

61. Ibid., pp. 124–29; and printed annual Bericht über den Bestand und das Wirken des Kunstvereines München.

62. See Kunstverein report for 1905.

63. Drey, “Der Kunstmarkt,” pp. 172–73.

64. Adressbuch für München, 1892 and 1914.

65. See the press reports of July 3–5, 1894, and Nov. 5–12, 1895, on the trials of dealers and others accused of forging work by Lenbach.

66. Kahnweiler, Daniel-Henri, My Galleries and Painters (London, 1971), p. 75.Google Scholar

67. Macke, W., ed., Der Briefwechsel August Macke—Franz Marc (Cologne, 1974), pp. 19–20Google Scholar: Marc to Macke, Aug. 30, 1910.

68. See for example Imiela, H.-J., Max Slevogt: Eine Monographie (Karlsruhe, 1968), pp. 5152, for the contract between Slevogt and Paul Cassirer in 1899.Google Scholar

69. Osborne, H., ed., The Oxford Companion to 20th-century Art (Oxford, 1981), p. 527.Google Scholar

70. See Stemmler, D. et al. , Die Rheinischen Expressionisten (Recklinghausen, 1980).Google Scholar

71. See Franke, E. A., “Publikum und Malerei in Deutschland vom Biedermeier zum Expressionismus” (diss., Heidelberg, 1934)Google Scholar; and more recently, Mayer, A. J., The Persistence of the Old Regime: Europe to the Great War (London, 1981), chap. 4.Google Scholar

72. Considering the importance of these men for the development of modern art, it is surprisingly hard to find details of their activities as patrons. But see van de Velde, H., Geschichte meines Lebens (Munich, 1962)Google Scholar; and Max Liebermann in seiner Zeit (exhib. cat., Berlin, 1979).Google Scholar

73. Teeuwisse, Klaas, “Berliner Kunstleben zur Zeit Max Liebermanns,” in Max Liebermann in seiner Zeit, pp. 7475.Google Scholar

74. See below; and also Pauli, G., ed., Alfred Lichtwarks Briefe an die Kommission für die Verwaltung der Kunsthalle, 2 vols. (Hamburg, 1924).Google Scholar

75. Möckl, Die Prinzregentenzeit, pp. 112–13, 183–84.

76. See Pixis, E., Verzeichnis der von Weiland Seiner Kgl. Hoheit dem Prinzregenten von Bayern aus privaten Mitteln erworbenen Werken der bildenden Kunst (Munich, 1913).Google Scholar

77. Spindler, M., ed., Handbuch der bayerischen Geschichte, 4, pt. 1 (Munich, 1974): 288, 350.Google Scholar

78. For the evolution of this measure, see Archiv des bay. Landtages, MK Budget Committee proceedings, 1886/87, fasc. III–V; and 1890/91, fasc. II–V; and Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen der bay. Kammer der Abgeordneten (VdKdAbg), 1884, vol. 2 (02 8, 1884), and 1889/90, vol. 5 (03 28, 1890).Google Scholar Compare the contemporary French and British state patronage systems outlined in Larroumet, G., L'art et l'état en France (Paris, 1895)Google Scholar, and Minihan, J., The Nationalisation of Culture: The Development of State Subsidies to the Arts in Great Britain (London, 1977).Google Scholar

79. VdKdAbg 1888, 2: 331 (Feb. 8, 1888).

80. This was the so-called “Swinemünde Telegram” affair: Möckl, Die Prinzregentenzeit, pp. 525–26.

81. MFMW, Nachl. Weigand: Weigand to Minister von Wehner, May 14, 1903 (copy).

82. See the speech by von Vollmar, Georg, 04 22, 1898: VdKdAbg 1897/98, 12: 189–93.Google Scholar

83. AStAM, MK 14 284: Tschudi to Ministry, Mar. 1, 1911.

84. Adolf von Hildebrand und seine Welt: Briefe (Munich, 1962), pp. 589–90: Rupprecht, Prince to Hildebrand, , 03 19, 1911.Google Scholar

85. Rupprecht's support for Tschudi's appointment from as early as 1906 is revealed in the letter from his adjutant, Count von Pappenheim, to Minister von Wehner on Oct. 16, 1906: AStAM, MK 18 295.

86. Listed in AStAM, MK 14 284: Galleries Directorate to Ministry, Jan. 30, 1912. See also Martin, K., Die Tschudi-Spende: Hugo von Tschudi zum Gedächtnis (Munich, 1962).Google Scholar

87. Rohe, M. K., “Zur Neuordnung der Münchner Neuer Pinakothek,” Die Kunst 29 (1913/1914): 313–24Google Scholar (Apr. 15, 1914); and “Die Änderung in der obersten Leitung der bayerischen Galerien,” Kunstchronik n.s. 35 (1913/14), no. 41 (Aug. 21, 1914), cols. 601–2.

88. See especially the controversies during the 1890s connected with the Secession and the Künstlerhaus: MSA, Kulturamt 119, 146, 148.

89. MSA, Kulturamt 128: “Aufwendungen der Stadtgemeinde München für Kunstzwecke (aus neuerer Zeit),” Oct. 2, 1902.

90. Steinborn, P., Grundlagen und Grundzüge Münchener Kommunalpolitik in den Jahren der Weimarer Republik, Misc. Bavarica Monacensia, 5 (Munich, 1969), pp. 4149.Google Scholar This ascendancy was challenged from 1908 by the SPD, which, however, usually took a liberal stance on cultural matters.

91. See Lenman, R., “Art, Society and the Law in Wilhelmine Germany: The Lex Heinze,” Oxford German Studies 8 (1973): 86113.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

92. MSA, Kulturamt 831/1: statute of June 8, 1903.

93. Baedeker, W., “Kulturpflege der Stadt München 1870–1932” (diss., Munich, 1951), p. 172.Google Scholar

94. Ibid., pp. 166–83. The gallery finally opened in 1929.

95. AStAM, MK 14 277, 14 278, 14 280, 14 282–84. Particularly favored were Lenbach, Kaulbach, Stuck, Löfftz, and Keller.

96. See de Sonneville, G., Collections et collectioneurs bordelais (Bordeaux, 1893)Google Scholar; and Willett, J., Art in a City (London, 1967), chap. 2.Google Scholar

97. von Schack, Adolf Friedrich Graf, Meine Gemäldesammlung, 6th ed. (Stuttgart, 1891).Google Scholar

98. Imiela, Max Slevogt, pp. 3638, 50, 355–57;Google Scholar and Die Galerie Thomas Knorr in München: Herausgegeben vom Besitzer, beschrieben von Fritz Frhr. von Ostini (Munich, 1901).Google Scholar

99. MSA, Kulturamt 122.

100. For Forbes, see Dictionary of National Biography, 2nd Supplement, 1901–11 (Oxford, 1912), 2: 37–39; for Simms, see letters to Habermann in SGW, Nachl. Habermann.

101. Mayr, J., Wilhelm Leibl: Sein Leben und sein Schaffen, 4th ed. (Munich, 1936), pp. 194–96.Google Scholar

102. MackeMarc Briefwechsel, p. 230; and Vriesen, G., August Macke, 2nd ed. (Stuttgart, 1957).Google Scholar

103. See Brougier, A., “Die Bedeutung des Fremdenverkehrs für Bayern,” Bayerland 13 (1902): 332–34, 344–45, 359–60, 368–71, 380–83Google Scholar; Krauss, M., Die Grundlagen des Fremdenverkehrs in München und im bayerischen Hochland: Kleine Beiträge zu einer Geschichte des Fremdenverkehrs in München (Munich, 1917); and the printed annual reports of the Munich Fremdenverkehrsrat, available in the Staatsbibliothek, Munich.Google Scholar

104. In 1907 only 2% of the labor force was employed in enterprises of over 1,000 workers: see Steinborn, Grundlagen und Grundzüge Münchener Kommunalpolitik, p. 27.

105. Zeitschrift des bay. stat. Landesamtes 47 (1915): 3637.Google Scholar

106. Wichmann, Lenbach, p. 85.

107. AStAM, MK 14 163.

108. Archiv des bay. Landtages, MK Budget Committee proceedings, 1890/91, fasc. IV, Kap. 24, p. 12: speech by acting Minister von Crailsheim, Mar. 6, 1890.

109. Drey, Die wirtschaftlichen Grundlagen der Malkunst, p. 170.

110. Ibid., p. 168.

111. See Die Münchner Schule; Die Düsseldorfer Malerschule (exhib. cat., Mainz, 1979); and The Düsseldorf Academy and the Americans (exhib. cat., Atlanta, 1973).

112. U.S. Consular Reports, 1885, no. 52 (Apr. 1885), p. 881. International art trade statistics for this period are unreliable and difficult to interpret. In addition to misprints and arithmetical errors, there are discrepancies (for example, between the exports recorded by one trading partner and the imports recorded by the other) which are sometimes impossible to reconcile. Works of art were classified differently by consuls in different places, and in different statistical series: oil paintings were often lumped together with chromolithographs and/or statuary and antiques, so that comparisons are difficult. It is impossible to tell whether pictures were painted in the places from which they were exported; and a substantial proportion of Munich's exports were cleared through Bremen, and so do not appear in the Munich consular figures. The above should therefore be regarded simply as an exploratory survey.

113. U.S. Treasury Dept.: Commerce and Navigation of the United States, 1883, p. 68; and 1884 onward. See also Finance, Commerce and Immigration of the United States. Various fluctuations in the size of the tariff took place, and it was temporarily abolished between 1894 and 1897. The exchange rate has been calculated at 4.20 M to the dollar.

114. Zs. des bay. stat. Landesamtes 46 (1914): 269–70.Google Scholar

115. Der Kunstmarkt 9, no. 13 (Dec. 29, 1911): 124.

116. Drey, “Der Kunstmarkt,” p. 168.

117. Figures in Mitteilungen des Stat. Amtes der Stadt München; Zs. des bay. stat. Landesamtes; and AStAM, MK 14 155.

118. See Österreichische Statistik 14 (1887): 95–100; and 26 (1891): 3439Google Scholar. Subsequent reorganization of the statistics makes further comparisons impossible. A 1913 pilot scheme to measure trade between Bavaria and Austria had meager results: Zs. des bay. stat. Landesamtes 50 (1918): 121–37Google Scholar.

119. Adressbuch für München und Umgebung, 1914, pt. 3, pp. 102–14. Some of those listed had other jobs.

120. Ibid., pt. 4, pp. 116–17, 121–22.

121. See van Muyden, G., “Die neueren Vervielfältigungsverfahren,” Die Kunst für Alle 7/23 (09 1, 1892): 358–61Google Scholar; Goebel, Th., “Die Verlagsanstalt F. Bruckmann A.G. in München,” Zs. für Bücherfreunde 4 (1900): 7392Google Scholar; and Ranke, W., Joseph Albert: Hofphotograph der bayerischen Könige (Munich, 1977).Google Scholar

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123. See Dangl, H., Die Münchener Fliegenden Blätter als Spiegel ihrer Zeit, Zeitung und Leben, vol. 49 (Würzburg, 1938)Google Scholar; Lenman, , “Censorship and Society”; Simplicissimus: Eine satirische Zeitschrift, München 1896–1944 (exhib. cat., Munich, 1977)Google Scholar; Koreska-Hartmann, L., Jugendstil—Stil der Jugend (Munich, 1969).Google Scholar

124. Ishikawa-Franke, Albert Weisgerber, p. 35.

125. For the historicist beginnings, see Pecht, F., Geschichte der Münchener Kunst im 19ten Jahrhundert (Munich, 1888)Google Scholar; and 125 Jahre Bayerischer Kunstgewerbeverein (exhib. cat., Munich, 1976).Google Scholar

126. See Weiss, Kandinsky in Munich, chap. 3; and Günther, S., Interieurs um 1900: Bernhard Pankok, Bruno Paul und Richard Riemerschmid als Mitarbeiter der Vereinigten Werkstätte für Kunst im Handwerk (Munich, 1971).Google Scholar

127. MSA, Kulturamt 187: Handwerkskammer f. Oberbayern to Magistrat, Mar. 30, 1909.

128. See Rademacher, H., Das deutsche Plakat von den Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart (Dresden, 1965)Google Scholar.

129. AStAM, MK 14 095: Kunstgewerbeschule report on Behrens's proposals, May 13, 1902.

130. Hendschel, R., “Einige Erlebnisse und Erfahrungen im Kunstreferat aus den Jahren 1915–1933” (typescript in Monacensia-Abteilung of the Munich City Library), pp. 4555.Google Scholar

131. Obrist, H., “Die Lehr- und Versuchateliers für angewandte und freie Kunst,” Dekorative Kunst 12 (1903/1904), Mar. 6, 1904, 228–32Google Scholar; and Weiss, Kandinsky in Munich, pp. 121–22.

132. MSA, Kulturamt 187: memorandum of Münchener Vereinigung für angewandte Kunst on its activities during 1909/10.

133. See Teeuwisse, “Berliner Kunstleben zur Zeit Max Liebermanns,” in Max Liebermann in seiner Zeit.

134. Paret, P., The Berlin Secession: Modernism and Its Enemies in Imperial Germany (Cambridge, Mass., and London, 1980), pp. 95102CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dube, W.-D., “Die Kunstsituation in Berlin und Corinth,” in Lovis Corinth 1858–1925: Gemälde und Druckgraphik (exhib. cat., Munich, 1975), Pp. 4145.Google Scholar

135. Corinth, T., ed., Lovis Corinth: Eine Dokumentation (Tübingen, 1979), p. 58Google Scholar: Liebermann to Corinth, Feb. 12, 1900.

136. Staatsarchiv für München, Regierungsakten 3830/58113: Police President von Grundherr to Provincial Government, report for 1914, July 1, 1915.

137. For Berlin's appeal, see Roters, E., “Big-city Expressionism: Berlin and German Expressionism,” in Expressionism: A German Intuition (exhib. cat., New York and San Francisco, 1980)Google Scholar; and for comparison, Mumford, Lewis, “The Metropolitan Milieu,” in Frank, W. et al. , eds., America and Alfred Stieglitz: A Collective Portrait, new ed. (New York, 1979)Google Scholar; and Rosenberg, B. and Fliegel, N. E., “The Vanguard Artist in New York,” Social Research 32 (1965), pt. 2: 141–62.Google Scholar

138. Albrecht, W., Landtag und Regierung in Bayern am Vorabend der Revolution von 1918: Studien zur gesellschaftlichen und staatlichen Entwicklung Deutschlands von 1912–1918 (Berlin, 1968), pp. 2048.Google Scholar

139. Paret, The Berlin Secession, pp. 82, 89–90, and chap. 4.

140. Der Tag, Apr. 13 and 14, 1901, nos. 143, 145; and see also Engels, E., Münchens Niedergang als Kunststadt: Eine Rundfrage (Munich, 1902).Google Scholar

141. SGW, Nachl. Breyer: Trübner to Breyer, ca. 1901.

142. See letters from Slevogt to Breyer in SGW, Nachl. Breyer; Munich City Library, Monacensia-Abteilung, Nachl. Ruederer Br.e.74: Corinth to Jos. Ruederer, Jan. 27, 1901; and letters of this period in Lovis Corinth: Eine Dokumentation.

143. SGW, Nachl. Habermann: letters from Vinnen and Schultze-Naumburg to Habermann.

144. Vinnen, Ein Protest deutscher Künstler; Paret, The Berlin Secession, pp. 182–99.

145. See Weiss, Kandinsky in Munich, chap. 9; and Münch. Neuesten Nachrichten, June 7 and 10, 1907.

146. Weiss, Kandinsky in Munich, pp. 75, 77; Paret, The Berlin Secession, p. 105; and Doede, W., Die Berliner Secession: Berlin als Zentrum der deutschen Kunst von der Jahrhundertwende bis zum Ersten Weltkrieg (Berlin, n.d.), pp. 2224.Google Scholar

147. Weiler, Alexej Jawlensky, p. 89.

148. See documents from the war years in Nebehay, C. M., Egon Schiele 1890–1918: Leben, Briefe, Gedichte (Salzburg and Vienna, 1979); and Lovis Corinth: Eine Dokumentation.Google Scholar

149. See Hillmayr, H., “München und die Revolution von 1918/19,” in Bosl, K., ed., Bayern im Umbruch: Die Revolution von 1918, ihre Voraussetzungen, ihr Verlauf und ihre Folgen (Munich and Vienna, 1969).Google Scholar

150. U.S. Department of Commerce: Foreign Commerce and Navigation of the United States for the year ending 30 June 1917, p. 31.

151. Nebehay, Egon Schiele, pp. 387, 420, 425, nos. 1079, 1198, 1239: letters to Schiele in 1916 and 1917 from the Munich dealer Hans Goltz.

152. Reported in SGW, Nachl. Habermann: Richard Winternitz to Habermann, Aug. 28, 1916.

153. See MSA, Kulturamt 831/1; and Kunstverein reports for 1915 and 1917.

154. For 1871, see Wolf, G. J., Leibl und sein Kreis (Munich, 1923), p. 63; for 1914–18, Bay. Kriegsarchiv, MKr 1710: “Personen vom Zivilstande bei der mobilen Armee, 1906–18.”Google Scholar

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156. See detailed medical reports on one case in Bay. Kriegsarchiv, OP 19650.

157. Mayer, A. L., “Vor Kunstreformen im Volksstaat Bayern,” Kunstchronik und Kuntstmarkt n.s. 30, no. 7 (11 29, 1918): 136–39Google Scholar; and Hendschel, “Einige Erlebnisse,” pp. 40–44.

158. AStAM, MK 14 168: Acad. Director von Marr to Ministry, June 14, 1919.

159. Kunstverein report 1922/23: obituaries for 1914–23, p. 16.

160. Taylor, Tini Rupprecht, p. 22.

161. Marilaun, K., “Bei Franz v. Stuck,” Neues Wiener Journal, 08 10, 1923, p. 678.Google Scholar

162. Achner, L., “Die Teuerungsverhältnisse in Bayern und im übrigen Reich in den Jahren 1913/14 und 1924,” Zs. des bay. stat. Landesamtes 57 (1925): 4042.Google Scholar

163. Die Quellen des Münchener Wirtschaftslebens, Schriften des Stat. Amtes der Stadt München, vol. 14 (Munich, 1930), pp. 75, 8086.Google Scholar

164. Simon, E., Wandlungen im Fremdenverkehr und die sich daraus ergebenden Forderungen (Munich, 1931)Google Scholar; Morgenroth, W., “Fremdenverkehr,” in Stat. Jahrbuch der deutschen Städte, 22 (1927): 558583.Google Scholar

165. See Hendschel, , “Einige Erlebnisse”; and for Munich art in general, Die Zwanziger Jahre in München (exhib. cat., Munich, 1979).Google Scholar

166. AStAM, MK 14 102: protest declaration of Feb. 13, 1919.

167. Hendschel, “Einige Erlebnisse,” pp. 45–55.

168. For the general background, see Pevsner, N., Academies of Art (Cambridge, 1940), chap. 6.Google Scholar

169. Hendschel, “Einige Erlebnisse,” p. 19.

170. MSA, Kulturamt 119: declaration of July 26, 1892.

171. See for example the speech by Minister von Crailsheim on Mar. 28, 1890: VdKdAbg 1889/90, 5, pp. 602, 604.

172. In 1910, for example, the Dachau artist Carl Thiemann was commissioned to do thirty woodcuts to commemorate the centenary of the Krupp steelworks. See Merx, Claus, Carl Thiemann 1881–1966: Meister des Farbholzschnitts (Darmstadt, 1966), p. 29.Google Scholar

173. See Hinz, B., Art in the Third Reich (Oxford, 1979), chap. 1.Google Scholar

174. See Martens, W., Lyrik kommerziell: Das Kartell lyrischer Autoren 1902–1933 (Munich, 1975), chaps, 1 and 2.Google Scholar