An earlier version of this paper was presented at a session of the German Studies Association conference in Seattle, Washington in October 1996. I am grateful to Gerald Soliday, Peter Wallace, Kristin Sorensen Zapalac and other participants in that session for a number of useful comments and suggestions.

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3. The bibliography of Gagliardo's, JohnGermany under the Old Regime, 1600–1790 (London, 1991), 407–24 is generous in its comments on numerous works but only Walker's book is specifically described as “very important” (p. 421).Google Scholar Four different contributors—a record, as far as I can tell—included Walker's book on their list of titles to be cited in the new AHA bibliography of histroical literature: Norton, Mary Beth, ed., American Historical Association Guide to Historical Literature, 2 vols. (New York and Oxford), 1:958.Google Scholar

4. Moeller, Bernd, Reichsstadt und Reformation (Gütersloh, 1962)Google Scholar, published in English as ch. 3 of Moeller, , Imperial Cities and the Reformation: Three Essays, trans. Midelfort, H. C. Erik and Edwards, Mark U. Jr., (Philadelphia, 1972), 41–115.Google Scholar

5. A noteworthy exception is Lothar Gall's description of the book as a “besonders eindrucksvoller Versuch einer umfassenden Interpretation der neuzeitlichen bürgerlichen Stadtgemeinde im Längsschnitt vom 17. bis ins 19. Jahrhundert”: Von der ständischen zur bürgerlichen Gesellschaft (Enzyklopädie deutscher Geschichte, 25; Munich, 1993), 84.Google Scholar

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7. Ibid., 73–76. Flegel's only eccentricity, of course, was that he insisted on marrying a woman whose father had been born illegitimate.

8. Ibid., 426.

9. Ibid., 427.

10. Ibid., 428–29.

11. Müller, Jürgen, “Crumbling Walls: Urban Change in Eighteenth-Century Germany,” German Studies Review 19 (1996): 225–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar, quotation: 225. It should be noted in passing that Müller begins his paper by quoting Walker's book, but he does not critically assess Walker's arguments.

12. For listings of major works in the field, see the bibliographies of Gerteis, Klaus, Die deutschen Städte in der Frühen Neuzeit: Zur Vorgeschichte der “bürgerlichen Welt” (Darmstadt, 1986), 183–211Google Scholar, and Schilling, Heinz, Die Stadt in der Frühen Neuzeit: (Enzyklopädie deutscher Geschichte, 24; Munich, 1993), 116–37.Google Scholar For an exhaustive listing of works on German cities in all epochs, see Schröder, Brigitte and Stoob, Heinz, Bibliographie zur deutschen historischen Städteforschung, 2 vols. (Cologne and Vienna, 1986–1996).Google Scholar These volumes list over 24,000 books and articles published up to 1985; a projected third volume will cover works published since 1985. Every few years the Blätter für deutsche Landesgeschichte publishes a Sammelbericht listing and commenting on recent works in German urban history; the most recent report (Wilfried Ehbrecht, “Neue Veröffentlichungen zur vergleichenden Städteforschung”) appeared in vol. 128 (1992): 387–852Google Scholar, and listed 2,723 titles published between 1987 and 1992, of which roughly a third pertain to the early modern era. Previous Sammelberichte appeared about every two years in the 1950s and 1960s and then in vols. 107 (1971), 111 (1975), 116 (1980), 117 (1981) and 123 (1987).

13. As a characteristic representative of this genre one might cīte Bátori, Ingrid, ed., Geschichte der Stadt Koblenz, 2 vols. (Stuttgart, 1992–1993);Google Scholar the editor, a distinguished specialist on early modern urban history, directed this project in her capacity as Kulturdezernentin of the city of Koblenz. Within the last fifteen years significant multi-authored histories of Augsburg, Berlin, Constance, Düsseldorf, Frankfurt am Main, Freiburg im Breisgau, Hamburg, Hanover, Münster, Speyer and many other cities have been published.

14. Wunder was almost certainly the first German historian to use such measures as the Lorenz curve to analyse the distribution of wealth in a late medieval or early modern city: see, for example, “Die Sozialstruktur der Reichsstadt Schwäbisch Hall im späten Mittelalter,” originally published in 1966 and reprinted in Wunder, Gerd, Bauer, Bürger, Edelmann: Ausgewählte Aufsätze zur Sozialgeschichte (Sigmaringen, 1984), 179–206.Google Scholar For a comprehensive summation of Wunder's work, see his Die Bürger von Hall: Sozialgeschichte einer Reichsstadt, 1216–1802 (Sigmaringen, 1980).Google Scholar

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17. Brady, Thomas A. Jr., Ruling Class, Regime, and Reformation at Strasbourg, 1520–1555 (Leiden, 1978), 46.Google ScholarRobert Scribner's early work was also conceived as a response to Moeller's thesis: see “Civic Unity and the Reformation in Erfurt,” Past and Present 66 (05 1975): 29–60.Google Scholar

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19. E.g., Rublack, Hans-Christoph, Eine bürgerliche Reformation: Nördlingen (Gütersloh, 1982);Google Scholar Bátori and Weyrauch, Bürgerliche Elite.

20. E.g., Karant-Nunn, Susan C., Zwickau in Transition, 1500–1547: The Reformation as an Agent of Change (Columbus, OH, 1987).Google Scholar

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23. For a useful introduction to the concept of confessionalization, see Schilling, Heinz, “Die Konfessionalisierung im Reich: Religiöser und gesellschaftlicher Wandel in Deutschland zwischen 1555 und 1620,” Historische Zeitschrift 246 (1988): 1–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar, reprinted in translation in Schilling, Heinz, Religion, Political Culture and the Emergence of Early Modern Society: Essays in German and Dutch History (Leiden, 1992), 205–45.Google Scholar See also the recent overview by Harrington, Joel F. and Smith, Helmut Walser, “Confessionalization, Community, and State Building in Germany, 1555–1870,” Journal of Modern History 69 (1997): 77–101CrossRefGoogle Scholar, which is distinctive for its attempt to deal both with the early modern period and the nineteenth century.

24. Zschunke, Peter, Konfession und Alltag in Oppenheim: Beiträge zur Geschichte von Bevölkerung und Gesellschaft einer gemischtkonfessionellen Kleinstadt in der frühen Neuzeit (Wiesbaden, 1984);Google ScholarFran¸ois, Etienne, Die unsichtbare Grenze: Protestanten und Katholiken in Augsburg, 1648–1806 (Sigmaringen, 1991).Google Scholar

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26. For a case study that illustrates this balance of forces, see Friedrichs, Christopher R., “Urban Conflicts and the Imperial Constitution in Seventeenth-Century Germany,” Journal of Modern History 58, suppl. (12, 1986): 98–123.CrossRefGoogle Scholar The preservation of the imperial cities's status in 1648 is treated by Buchstab, Günter, Reichsstädte, Städtekurie und Westfälischer Friedenskongress: Zusammenhänge von Sozialstruktur, Rechtsstatus, und Wirtschaftskraft (Münster, 1976).Google Scholar

27. For an important overview, see Volker Press, “Die Reichsstadt in der altständischen Gesellschaft,” in Kunisch, Johannes, ed., Neue Studien zur frühneuzeitlichen Reichsgeschichte Zeitschrift für historische Forschung, suppl. 3 (Berlin, 1987): 9–42.Google Scholar For a more introductory treatment of the subject, see Friedrichs, Christopher R., “The Swiss and German City-States,” in The City-State in Five Cultures, ed. Thomas, Carol G. and Griffeth, Robert R. (Santa Barbara, 1981), 109–42.Google Scholar

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31. Notably by Schilling, Heinz, “Gab es im späten Mittelalter und zu Beginn der Neuzeit in Deutschland einen städtischen ‘Republikanismus’? Zur politischen Kultur des alteuropäischen Stadtbürgertums,” in Republiken und Republikanismus im Europa der Frühen Neuzeit, ed. Koenigsberger, Helmut (Munich, 1988), 101–43Google Scholar, translated as “Civic Republicanism in Late Medieval and Early Modern German Cities,” in Schilling, , Religion, Political Culture and the Emergence of Early Modern Society, 3–59.Google Scholar

32. The collection of studies edited by Rössler, Helmuth, Deutsches Patriziat, 1430–1740 (Limburg an der Lahn, 1968)Google Scholar helped to move historians toward a more comparative approach to the subject.

33. E.g., Müller, Siegfried, “Kontinuität und Wandel innerhalb der politischen Elite Hannovers im 17. Jahrhundert,” in Europäische Städte im Zeitalter des Barock: Gestalt—Kultur—Sozialgefüge, ed. Krüger, Kersten (Cologne and Vienna, 1988), 223–69;Google ScholarEhlert-Larsen, Kathrin-Sabine, Hinrichs, Wiard, Hoffmann, Johannes-Joachim, Kaup, Martina, Lindemann, Ulrike, and Ulbrich, Tobias, “Der Göttinger Stadtrat in der Jahrhunderthälfte der Universitätsgründung,” in Göttingen, 1690–1755: Studien zur Sozialgeschichte einer Stadt, ed. Wellenreuther, Hermann (Göttingen, 1988), 23–87, 329–66.Google Scholar

34. E.g., Kramm, Heinrich, Studien über die Oberschichten der mitteldeutschen Städte im 16. Jahrhundert: Sachsen, Thüringen, Anhalt, 2 vols. (Cologne, 1981);Google Scholar see also the superb study by Cowan, Alexander Francis, The Urban Paticiate: Lübeck and Venice, 1580–1700 (Cologne and Vienna, 1986).Google Scholar

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37. E.g., Müller, Artur, Die Deutschen: Ihre Klassenkämpfe, Aufstände, Staatsstreiche und Revolutionen: Eine Chronik (Munich, 1972);Google Scholar the early modern entries (71–77) include a number of urban conflicts. The paperback by Karasek, Horst, Der Fedtmilch-Aufstand: Wie die Frankfurter 1612/14 ihrem Rat einheizten (Berlin, 1979)Google Scholar was clearly written in this intellectual context.

38. Cf. the classic article by Brunner, Otto, “Souveränitätsproblem und Sozialstruktur in den deutschen Reichsstädten der früheren Neuzeit,” Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 50 (1963): 329–60.Google Scholar

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41. Cf. Czok, Karl, “Zu den städtischen Volksbewegungen in deutschen Territorialstaaten vom 16. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert,” in Rausch, Die Städte Mitteleuropas, 21–42;Google ScholarSchultz, Helga, Soziale und politische Auseinandersetzungen in Rostock im 18. Jahrhundert (Weimar, 1974), esp. 11–31.Google Scholar

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44. Eldyss, KristinZapalac, Sorensen, “In His Image and Likeness”: Political Iconography and Religious Change in Regensburg, 1500–1600 (Ithaca, NY, 1990).Google Scholar

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46. E.g., Hartung, J., “Die augsburgische Vermögenssteuer und die Entwickelung der Besitzverhältnisse im 16. Jahrhundert,” Jahrbuch für Gesetzgebung, Verwaltung, und Volkswirtschaft 19 (1895): 867–933;Google Scholar idem, “Die direkten Steuern und die Vermögensentwickelung in Augsburg von der Mitte des 16. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert,” ibid. 22 (1898): 1255–97; Mayr, Anton, Die grossen Augsburger Vermögen in der Zeit von 1618 bis 1717 (Augsburg, 1931).Google Scholar

47. Standard analyses of social structure based on tax records include Blendinger, Friedrich, “Versuch einer Bestimmung der Mittelschicht in der Reichsstadt Augsburg vom Ende des 14. bis Anfang des 18. Jahrhunderts,” in Städtische Mittelschichten, ed. Maschke, Erich and Sydow, Jürgen (Stuttgart, 1972), 32–78;Google ScholarLaufer, Wolfgang, Die Sozialstruktur der Stadt Trier in der frühen Neuzeit (Bonn, 1973);Google ScholarFriedrichs, Christopher R., Urban Society in an Age of War: Nördlingen, 1580–1720 (Princrton, NJ, 1979);Google ScholarRüthing, Heinrich, Höxter um 1500: Analyse einer Stadtgesellschaft (Paderborn, 1986)Google Scholar, which is noteworthy for its attempt to discuss social inequality in quantitative terms without resorting to a conventional stratification model; and McIntosh, Terence, Urban Decline in Early Modern Germany: Schwäbisch Hall and Its Region, 1650–1750 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1997).Google Scholar

48. The outstanding modern work in this genre is Clasen, Claus-Peter, Die Augsburger Weber: Leistungen und Krisen des Textilgewerbes um 1600 (Augsburg, 1981).Google Scholar For full references to the literature on various crafts, see Reininghaus, Wilfried, Gewerbe in der frühen Neuzeit (Enzyklopädie deutscher Geschichte, 3; Munich, 1990), 109–29.CrossRefGoogle Scholar How the analysis of a single craft can elucidate broader aspects of a city's economic development is shown by McIntosh, Terence, “Shoemakers in Early Modern Schwäbisch Hall and the Long-Term Structural Crisis in Urban Craft Production,” in Krisenbewusstsein und Krisenbewältigung in der Frühen Neuzeit—Crisis in Early Modern Europe, ed. Hagenmaier, Monika and Holtz, Sabine (Frankfurt am Main, 1992), 83–97.Google Scholar

49. E.g., Soliday, Community in Conflict, which offers a nuanced analysis of Frankfurt society despite the fact that the magnificent Frankfurt tax records were destroyed in an air raid in 1944.

50. For a survey of the literature on early modern German urban demography, see Friedrichs, Christopher R, “German Cities in the Late Early Modern Era: Some Problems and Prospects,” Urban History 23, no. 1 (05 1996): 72–85.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

51. E.g., Woehlkens, Erich, Pest und Ruhr im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert: Grundlagen einer statistisch-topographischen Beschreibung der grossen Seuchen, insbesondere in der Stadt Uelzen (Hanover, 1954).Google Scholar On the development of historical demography in Germany until the early 1970s, see Imhof, Arthur E., “Historische Demographie in Deutschland,” in Imhof, , ed., Historische Demographie als Sozialgeschichte: Gieβen und Umgebung vom 17. zum 19. Jahrhundert, 2 vols. (Darmstadt and Marburg, 1975), 1:41–63.Google Scholar

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53. Notable examples are Schultz, Helga, Berlin 1650–1800: Sozialgeschichte einer Residenzstadt ([East] Berlin, 1987)Google Scholar, and François, Etienne, Koblenz im 18. Jahrhundert: Zur Sozial- und Bevölkerungsstruktur einer deutschen Residenzstadt (Göttingen, 1982).Google Scholar

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57. Schultz, Berlin, 18.

58. Ibid., 19–21.

59. See for example Brückner, Carola, Möhle, Sylvia, Pröve, Ralf, and Roschmann, Joachim, “Vom Fremden zum Bürger: Zuwanderer in Göttingen, 1700–1755,” in Wellenreuther, , Göttingen, 88–174;Google ScholarSicken, Bernhard, “Fremde in der Stadt: Beobachtungen zur ‘Fremdenpolitik’ und zur sozioökonomischen Attraktivität der Haupt- und Residenzstadt Würzburg gegen Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts,” in Krüger, , Europäische Städte, 271–329;Google ScholarFriedrichs, Christopher R., “Immigration and Urban Society: Seventeenth-Century Nördlingen,” in Immigration et société urbaine en Europe occidentale, XVI–XXe siécle, ed. Franĉois, Etienne (Paris, 1985), 65–77.Google Scholar A special category of immigrants were of course the journeymen, concerning whose experiences, organizations, and aspirations there exists a distinct body of scholarly literature; for an entree into this topic, see Wesoly, Kurt, Lehrlinge und Handwerksgesellen am Mittelrhein: Ihre soziale Lage und ihre Organisationen vom 14. bis ins 17. Jahrhundert (Frankfurt am Main, 1985).Google Scholar

60. Irsigler, Franz and Lassotta, Arnold, Bettler und Gaukler, Dirnen und Henker: Randgruppen und Aussenseiter in Köln, 1300–1600 (Cologne, 1984).Google Scholar

61. For references to recent work on Jews in the few German cities from which they had not been expelled by the end of the Middle Ages, see the articles by Jersch-Wenzel, Stefi, Ries, Rotraud, Battenberg, J. Friedrich, and Friedrichs, Christopher R. in Hsia, R. Po-chia and Lehmann, Hartmut, eds., In and Out of the Ghetto: Jewish-Gentile Relations in Late Medieval and Early Modern Germany (Washington, DC and Cambridge, 1995).Google Scholar

62. E.g., Jütte, Robert, Obrigkeitliche Armenfürsorge in deutschen Reichsstädten der frühen Neuzeit: Städtisches Armenwesen in Frankfurt am Main und Köln (Cologne and Vienna, 1984);Google ScholarLindemann, Mary, Patriots and Paupers: Hamburg, 1712–1830 (New York and Oxford, 1990);Google ScholarSchuster, Peter, Das Frauenhaus: Städtische Bordelle in Deutschland, 1350 bis 1600 (Paderborn, 1992);Google ScholarSchwerhoff, Gerd, Köln im Kreuzverhör: Kriminalität, Herrschaft und Gesellschaft in einer frühneuzeitlichen Stadt (Bonn and Berlin, 1991).Google Scholar On attitudes toward criminals in Frankfurt, note the recent work by Boes, Maria R., e.g., “The Treatment of Juvenile Delinquents on Early Modem Germany: A Case Study,” Continuity and Change 11 (1996): 43–60.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

63. Schwerhoff, Köln, 17–18.

64. Wiesner, Merry, Working Women in Renaissance Germany (New Brunswick, NJ, 1986).Google Scholar

65. Roper, Lyndal, The Holy Household: Religion. Morals and Order in Reformation Augsburg (Oxford, 1989);Google Scholar the author unnecessarily downplays the fact that Augsburg, which she treats as the paradigmatic case of a Reformation city, came under Catholic predominance again soon after the period covered by the book.

66. Wunder, Heide, “Er ist die Sonn', sie ist der Mond”: Frauen in der Frühen Neuzeit (Munich, 1992)Google Scholar draws effectively on the scattered and unsystematic body of work on women in early modern German towns. See also Vogel, Barbara and Weckel, Ulrike, eds., Frauen in der Ständegesellschaft: Leben und arbeiten in der Stadt vom späten Mittelalter bis zur Neuzeit (Hamburg, 1991).Google Scholar

67. Dürr, Renate, Mägde in der Stadt: Das Beispiel Schwäbisch Hall in der Frühen Neuzeit (Frankfurt am Main and New York, 1995)Google Scholar: for Brunner's classic essay “Das ‘ganze Haus’ und the die alteuropäische ‘Ökonomik,’” see his Neue Wege der Verfassungs- und Sozialgeschichte, 2nd ed. (Göttingen, 1968), 103–27.Google Scholar

68. Ozment, Steven, The Bürgermeister's Daughter: Scandal in a Sixteenth-Century German Town (New York, 1996).Google ScholarCf. the same author's Magdalena and Balthasar: An Intimate Portrait of Life in Sixteenth-Century Europe Revealed in the Letters of a Nuremberg Husband and Wife (New York, 1986)Google Scholar and Three Behaim Boys: Growing Up in Early Modern Germany (New Haven, CN, 1990).Google Scholar

69. Throughout the book Anna Büschler's father is referred to as a “Bürgermeister” though this term was not used in Schwäbisch Hall; his actual title was Stättmeister, a fact that the author mysteriously conceals (see Ozment, Bürgermeister's Daughter, 7–8ff.). Equally puzzling is the persistent description of the Schenken von Limpurg as “royalty” (ibid., 9, 21ff.). But one can only admire Ozment's audacity in penning a generalization like the following: “…already in the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the comparatively ordered medieval world of knights, priests and peasants had begun to give way to the more adventurous world of nouveau riche merchants, zealous religious reformers, and politically ambitious artisan guilds in the economically and culturally ascendant urban centers” (ibid., 3).

70. Ibid., 3, 194.

71. This famous phrase is particularly associated with the work of Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, who closed the introduction of Les Paysans de Languedoc (Paris, 1966), 7–11Google Scholar, with the words: “Je risquai l' aventure d'une histoire totale.”

72. Friedrichs, Urban Society, xii.

73. François, Koblenz, 16. See also Wallace, Communities and Conflict, xiv.

74. Roeck, Stadt in Krieg und Frieden, 23; Als wollt die Welt, 7; the reference is to Ladurie's, Emmanuel Le Roy celebrated Montaillou: village occitan de 1294 à 1324 (Paris, 1975).Google Scholar

75. Sabean, David, Property, Production, and Family in Neckarhausen, 1700–1870 (Cambridge, 1990);Google Scholar the village's population grew from 340 in 1700 to about 900 in the midnineteenth century (40–41).

76. E.g., Laufer, Sozialstruktur, a well-regarded book which, however, includes scarcely any discussion of its theme even in the chapter headed “Themenstellung.”

77. For an excellent exposition of classic modernization theory, see Black, C. E., The Dynamics of Modernization (New York, 1966).Google Scholar The anti-Marxist thrust of modernization theory is especially apparent in one of its pioneering works: Rostow, Walt W., The Stages of Economic Growth: A Non-Communist Manifesto, rev. ed. (Cambridge, 1968).Google Scholar

78. Soliday, Community in Conflict, 8.

79. Lindemann, Patriots and Paupers, 8.

80. Of course there are notable exceptions, e.g., Koch, Rainer, Grundlagen bürgerlicher Herrschaft: Verfassungs- und sozialgeschichtliche Studien zur bürgerlichen Gesellschaft in Frankfurt am Main (1612–1866) (Wiesbaden, 1983)Google Scholar, which treats the period from the seventeenth century to 1866 as a single epoch and emphasizes the continuity of social and political institutions throughout that period.

81. Gerteis, Die deutschen Städte, 182.

82. Schultz, Berlin, 351.

83. Rödel, Mainz, 339.

84. Schwerhoff, Köln, 18, 453.

85. Walker, German Home Towns, 32.

86. Ibid., 4, 429.

87. Gerteis, Die deutschen Städte; this is in fact the book's subtitle.

88. Goldhagen, Daniel Jonah, Hitler's Willing Executioners: Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust (New York, 1996);Google Scholar much of the discussion about this book arises from Goldhagen's account of the long-term evolution of anti-Semitism in Germany (pp. 27–128), although this section of the book is in fact far more superficial than his treatment of specific aspects of the Holocaust in the rest of the book.