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“Absolute Organizational Deficiency”: The 1. Nahplan of December 1939 (Logistics, Limitations, and Lessons)

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 December 2008

Phillip T. Rutherford
Phillip T. Rutherford
Affiliation:
The Pennsylvania State University
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Extract

In his collection of essays, The Path to Genocide (1992), Christopher Browning contends that when Hitler ordered his subordinates to pursue the wholesale destruction of European Jews in the mid-summer of 1941, what they were being asked to accomplish was at the time totally unprecedented. At this stage every step was uncharted, every policy an experiment, every action a trial run … Murder was in the air; many avenues were being explored, but little was settled other than at least Himmler and Heydrich now knew what they were looking for — a way to kill all the Jews of Europe.

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Articles
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Central European History , Volume 36 , Issue 2 , June 2003 , pp. 235 - 273
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Copyright © Conference Group for Central European History of the American Historical Association 2003

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References

1. Browning, Christopher, The Path to Genocide: Essays on Launching the Final Solution (New York, 1992), 113–14Google Scholar.

2. The “incorporated eastern territories” included the Reichsgaue Wartheland and Danzig-West Prussia, eastern Upper Silesia, and the Regierungsbezirk Zichenau, attached to southern East Prussia. The “Generalgouvernement” was the region of Nazi-occupied eastern Poland not formally annexed to the Reich.

3. See Pätzold, Kurt, “Von der Vertreibung zum Genozid: Zu den Ursachen. Treibkräften und Bedingungen der antijüdischen Politik des faschistischen deutschen Imperialismus,” Faschismus-forschung: Positionen, Probleme, Polemik, ed. Eichholtz, Dietrich and Gossweiler, Kurt (Berlin, 1980), 181–208Google Scholar; Browning, , The Path to Genocide and Nazi Policy, Jewish Workers, German Killers (Cambridge, 2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Mommsen, Hans, “Umvolkungspläne des Nationalsozialismus und der Holocaust,” Bilanz und Perspectiven der Forschung zu den nationalsozialistischen Gewaltverbrechen, ed. Grabitz, Helge et al. (Berlin, 1994), 68–84Google Scholar; Steinbacher, Sybille, “Musterstadt” Auschwitz: Germanisierungspolitik und Judenmord in Ostoberschlesien (Munich, 2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Musial, Bogdahn, “The Origins of ‘Operation Reinhard’: The Decision-Making Process for the Mass Murder of the Jews,” Yad Vashem Studies 28 (2000): 113–53Google Scholar; and esp., Aly, Götz, “Final Solution”: Nazi Population Policy and the Murder of the European Jews, trans. Cooper, Belinda and Brown, Allison (London, 1999)Google Scholar; also Aly, , “‘Jewish Resettlement’: Reflections on the Political Prehistory of the Holocaust,” National Socialist Extermination Policies: Contemporary German Perspectives and Controversies, ed. Herbert, Ulrich (New York, 2000), 53–82Google Scholar.

4. Most notably, Broszat, Martin, Nationalsozialistische Polenpolitik, 1939–1945 (Stuttgart, 1961)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Madajczyk, Czesław, Die Okkupationspolitik Nazideutschlands in Polen, 1939–1945 (Berlin, 1987)Google Scholar, originally Polityka III Rzeszy w Okupowanej Polsce, 2 vols. (Warsaw, 1970).

5. See, among others, Marczewski, Jerzy, Hitlerowska Koncepcja Polityki Kolonizacjno-Wysiedleńczej i jej Realizacja w “Okrȩgu Warty” (Poznan, 1979)Google Scholar; Jastrzeȩbski, Włodzimierz, Wysiedlenia z ziem polskich wcielnych do Rzeszy w latach 1939–1945 (Poznan, 1968)Google Scholar; and Szulc's, Wacław, ed., introductions to the two document collections, “Wysiedlanie Ludności w. tzw. Kraju Warty i na Zamojszczyźnie Popełnione przy tym Zbrodnie,” Biuletyn Głóumej Komisji Badania Zbrodni Hitlerowskich w Polsce XXI (Warsaw, 1970)Google Scholar, and Hitlerowski Aparat Wysiedleńczy w Polsce: Sylwetki Głómnych jego “Dzialaczy” (Warsaw, 1970)Google Scholar. See also Marczewski's, earlier article, “The Aims and Character of the Nazi Deportation Policy as Shown by the Example of the ‘Warta Region,’” Polish-Western Affairs 10 (1961): 235–62Google Scholar.

6. Goshen, Seev, “Eichmann und die Nisko-Aktion im Oktober 1939,” Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 27, no. 1 (01 1981): 74–96Google Scholar; Moser, Jonny, “Nisko: The First Experiement in Deportation,” Simon Wiesenthal Center Annual, vol. 2, ed. Friedlander, Henry and Milton, Sybil (White Plains, 1985), 1–30Google Scholar; Karny, Miroslav, “Nisko in der Geschichte der Endlösung,” Judaica Bohemiae 23 (1987): 69–84Google Scholar. See also Safrian, Hans, Eichmann und seine Gehilfen (Frankfurt am Main, 1997), 68–81Google Scholar. For the latter four deportation actions, see Rutherford, Phillip T., “Race, Space, and the ‘Polish Question’: Nazi Deportation Policy in Reichsgau Wartheland, 1939–1941” (Ph.D. diss., The Pennsylvania State University, 2001)Google Scholar.

7. Eichmann note concerning a meeting with Gestapo chief Heinrich Müller, 6 October 1939, quoted in Browning, . Nazi Policy, 5–6Google Scholar.

8. Browning, , The Path, 10–11Google Scholar, and his Nazi Policy, 7.

9. “Erlass des Führers und Reichskanzlers zur Festigung deutschen Volkstums,” 7 October 1939. ND 686–PS. Trial of the Major War Criminals before the International Military Tribunal: Nuremberg, 14 November 1945–1 October 1946 (hereafter IMT) (Nuremberg, 1947), 26, 255–57Google Scholar.

10. Heydrich, as Chef der Sipo und des SD, supervised the operation Unternehmen Tannenberg in which tens of thousands of members of the Polish intelligentsia, political leadership, nobility, and clergy, as well as many “politically unreliable” Poles and several thousand Jews, were executed by Einsatzgruppen and the Wehrmacht during and immediately following the Polish campaign. Those “dangerous” Poles who survived this initial onslaught made up the bulk of those deported from Wartheland during the 1. Nahplan. On Unternehmen Tannenberg, see Krausnick, Helmut and Wilhelm, Hans-Heinrich, Die Truppe des Weltanschauungskrieges: Die Einsatzgruppen der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD, 1939–1942 (Stuttgart, 1981), 32–106Google Scholar; Rossino, Alex B., “Nazi Anti-Jewish Policy during the Polish Campaign: The Case of Einsatzgruppe von Woyrsch,” German Studies Review 24 (2001): 35–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar; for transcripts of the Einsatzgruppen reports, Leszczyński, Kaszimierz, ed., “Dzialaność Einsatzgruppen Policji Bezpieczeńtwa na Ziemiach Polsckich w 1939 R. w Świetle Dokumentów,” Biuletyn Głównej Komisji Badania Zbrodni Hitlerowskich w Polsce XXII (Warsaw, 1971)Google Scholar.

11. Still, measures devised to force the Jewish population of East Upper Silesia to flee eastward were ordered from above. Bruno Streckenbach, the leader of Einsatzgruppe I during Aktion Tannenberg, confirmed in 1961 that “special units [namely, Einsatzgruppe z.b.V. under SS-Obergruppenführer Udo von Woyrsch] entered [East Upper Silesia] with special orders to force the flight of the Jewish population … using extreme terror.” See Rossino, 37, 48, n. 23. On the Volksdeutsche Selbstschutz, see Jansen, Christian and Weckbacher, Arno, Der “Volksdeutsche Selbstschutz” in Polen 1939/40, (Munich, 1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

12. “Wild evacuations” emanated mostly from Reichgau Danzig-West Prussia where many small cities and towns lost up to 90 percent of their Polish and Jewish population. Most of the deportees came from Gdynia. Between 12 September and 26 October 1939, approximately fifty thousand people — 44 percent of the city's population — were expelled. On October 11, Himmler ordered that Gdynia be cleared of Poles in order to create space for the Baltic Germans, due to begin arriving the following week. See Długoborski, Wacław, “Die deutsche Besatzungspolitik gegenüber Polen,” in Nationalsozialistische Diktatur, 1933–1945: Eine Bilanz, ed. Bracher, Karl Dietrich, Funke, Manfred, and Jacobsen, Hans-Adolf (Bonn, 1983), 583Google Scholar; RKFDV to Heydrich. Greiser, Forster, etc., 11 October 1939, U. S. National Archives and Records Administration (NARA), M894, 15, NO 4613.

13. RFSS-RKFDV, “Anordnung 1/II,” 30 October 1939, Biuletyn Głównej Komisji Badania Zbrodni Hitlerowskich w Polsce XII (hereafter Biuletyn XII), ed. Datner, Szymon, Gumkowski, Janusz, and Leszczyłski, Kazimierz (Warsaw, 1960), doc. 1, 4F–6FGoogle Scholar.

14. Frank, Hans, Das Diensttagebuch des deutschen Generalgouverneurs in Polen, 1939–1945 (hereafter Tagebuch), ed. Präg, Werner and Jacobmeyer, Wolfgang (Stuttgart, 1975), entry for 31 10 1939, 52Google Scholar.

15. “General Orders and Directives of the Reich Commissioner for the Strengthening of Germanism,” no date, NO-4059, Trials of the War Criminals before the Nürnberg Military Tribunal under Council Law 10 (hereafter TWC) (Nürnberg, 1946–1949), vol. 4, 873Google Scholar. For dating the Creutz memo, see Inkelas, Dan, “Visions of Harmony and Violence: RKF Landscape Planning and Population Policy in Annexed Poland, 1939–1944” (Ph.D. diss., Northwestern University, 1998), 128Google Scholar.

16. Aly includes the Lodz Jews in the figure of one million deportees. See “Final Solution,” 37. See also Browning, , Nazi Policy, 7Google Scholar.

17. Broszat, , Nationalsozialistische Polenpolitik, 34–35Google Scholar.

18. Greiser, Arthur, “Die Grossdeutsche Aufgabe im Wartheland,” Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte (01 1941): 47Google Scholar.

19. Padfield, Peter, Himmler: Reichsführer-SS (New York, 1990), 297Google Scholar.

20. Höhne, Heinz, The Order of the Death's Head: The Story of Hitler's SS, trans. Barry, Richard (New York, 1971), 345–46, 352Google Scholar.

21. Ibid, 352; Koehl, Robert L., RKFDV: German Resettlement and Population Policy: A History of the Reich Commission for the Strengthening of Germandom (Cambridge, Mass., 1957), 62–63, 73Google Scholar; Levine, Herbert S., “Local Authority and the SS State: The Conflict over Population Policy in Danzig-West Prussia, 1939–1945,” Central European History 2 (1969): 331–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

22. Greiser directive, 1 November 1939, Archiwum Pałstwowe Poznan (APP), Reichsstatthalter-Warthegau, 2, 10–11.

23. No provenance, “Besprechung beim Stadtkommissar am 1. November 1939 in der Frage der Balten-Ansiedlung,” 1 11 1939, Archiwun Głównej Komisji Badania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu (AGK), Gestapo-Posen, CAMSW 687, 29, 122–23. The directive called for the eviction and internment of 7,000 Poles by December 5.

24. On this problem, see Wilhelm Koppe, the HSSPF of Wartheland, to Kommando der Schupo, November 1939 (no specific date), AGK, Greiser Trial, 36, 536, ordering greater care in arrests.

25. Report on camp conditions (signature illegible), 8 November 1939, U. S. Holocaust Memorial Museum (USHMM), RG15.015M, 3, 188, 3–6. Archiwum Państwowe Lodz (APL) holds a handwritten record listing the number of individuals entering Glowno daily between 1 November 1939 and May 1940. While some discrepancies are evident between this record and other reports, it nevertheless provides an overview of the scale of evacuations from the Posen region during the first seven months of the operation, particularly in terms of evictions carried out before and during the 1. Nahplan. See “Tägliche Eingänge von evakuierten Personen aus verschiedenen Kreisen, 1939–1940,” APL, UWZ-L, 11a, 1–205.

26. “Niederschrift über die am 8.11.39 stattgefundene Besprechung beim Generalgouverneur Polen in Krakau,” Biuletyn XII, doc. 3, 11F–14FGoogle Scholar.

27. Greiser, “Rundschreiben an alle Parteidienststellen, Staatsdienststellen, Landräte, usw,” 4 12 December 1939, AGK, Greiser Trial, 13, 176.

28. HSSPF-Posen, “Abschiebung von Juden und Polen aus dem Reichsgau Warthe-Land,” 10 11 1939, USHMM, RG15.015M, 95, 8–14.

29. Ibid., “Ansiedlung von Baltendeutschen und Wolhyniendeutschen und Evakuierung von Juden und Polen,” 11 November 1939, NARA, T81, 286, Vomi 321.

30. As an incentive to immigrate and to ensure that they were quickly integrated into the economy of the new Reich territories, ethnic German settlers were supposed to receive employment comparable to that which they had abandoned in their countries of origin. In the case of the 61,000 Baltic Germans, only 6,726 of those 24,096 of working age who received employment by 31 March 1940 were placed in the agricultural sector. The majority were employed as craftsmen, industrial workers, salesmen, doctors, bureaucrats, healthcare workers, and in other urban-based occupations. See Reichsführer-SS, Der, Reichskommissar für die Festigung deutschen Volkstums, Der Menscheneinsatz: Grundsätze, Anordnung und Richtlinien (n.p., 1940)Google Scholar, NARA, T81, 307, Vomi 802, 2435422ff.

31. There are no reliable data for the number of Jews in Posen, Gnesen, and Hohensalza in 11 1939.

32. HSSPF-Posen, “Geheim! Abschiebung von Juden und Polen aus dem Reichsgau ‘WartheLand,’” 12 November 1939, USHMM, RG15.015M, 2, 99, 1–5.

33. Rapp, “Abschiebung von Polen und Juden aus dem Reichsgau ‘Wartheland,’” 16 November 1939, AGK, Umwandererzentralstelle-Litzmannstadt (UWZ-L), 5, 15–19.

34. Rapp (draft), “Überprüfung der Beamten, Angestellten und Arbeiter polnischer Volkszugehörigkeit in Zusammenhang mit den geplanten Evakuierungsmassnahmen,” 16 November 1939, USHMM, RG15.015M, 2, 99, 6–7.

35. Rapp, “Rückstellungsanträge und Fürsprache für evakuierte Juden und Polen,” 3 December 1939, USHMM, RG15.015M, 2, 101, 4. Emphasis Rapp's.

36. Oberlandesgerichtpräsident (gez. Froböß), “Evakuierung von ehemals polnischen Justizbediensteten, die zur vorübergehenden Dienststellung eingestellt,” 6 December 1939, USHMM, RG15.015M.4, 271, 1–2.

37. For a large file of deferment, exemption requests by Jarotschin officials, see APP, Landkreis Jarotschin, 22. For the school commissioner's petition, see “Evakuierung polnischer Lehrkräfte,” 19 December 1939, APP, Landkreis Jarotschin, 22, 4–25.

38. See, respectively, Staatsarchiv to the Polizeipräsident-Posen, 7 November 1939, AGK, Reichsstatthalter-Warthegau, 297, 36–39; Apothekerkammer Wartheland to Umsiedlungsamt-Posen, 3 March 1940, APP, SS-Ansiedlungsstab-Posen, 101, 8; Der Reichsstatthalter, “Vermeidung der Evakuierung polnischer Diestkräfte,” 14 October 1940, USHMM, RG15.015M, 4, 269, 5–6; Dr Spreng, “Zurückstellung des in wichtigen Betrieben unentbehrlichen Personals von der Evakuierung,” 8 January 1940, USHMM, RG15.015M, 4, 268, 6.

39. Rapp, “Zurückstellung von Angestellten und Arbeitern der Reichsbahndirektion Posen,” 1 December 1939, USHMM, RG15.015M, 4, 268, 1–2.

40. Der Präsident der Reichsbahndirektion Posen, “Abschieben von polnischen Eisenbahnern,” 30 December 1939, AGK, Reichsstatthalter-Warthegau, 293, 18–19v; Hilberg, Raul, The Destruction of the European Jews (Chicago, 1967), 134Google Scholar (no statistics provided for Wartheland itself).

41. Rapp, “Abschiebung von Juden und Polen. Mündliche Anordnung des Höhere SS- und Polizeiführer, SS-Gruppenführer Koppe vom 10.11.39,” USHMM, RG15.015M, 1, 95, 4–7; HSSPF-Posen (signed Rapp), “Abschiebung von Juden aus dem Reichsgau ‘Wartheland,’” 24 November 1939, AGK, UWZ-L, 5, 45–46.

42. Rapp, “Durchführung der Evakuierung,” 18 November 1939, NARA, T81, 286, Vomi 321, 2409565ff.; HSSPF-Posen, “Merkblatt für die Durchführung der Evakuierung von Juden und Polen,” 22 November 1939, APR Landrat-Jarotschin, 20, 2.

43. Koppe, “Inventuraufnahme in Wohnungen polnischer oder jüdischer Flüchtlinge oder Ausgewiesener,” 24 November 1939, NARA, T81, 286, Vomi 321, 2409562ff.; Rapp, “Richtlinien über die Durchführung der Polen- und Judenevakuierung und deren Abtransport an die endgültigen Bestimmungsorte,” 22 November 1939, NARA, T81, 286, Vomi 321, 2409558ff.

44. Rapp, “Durchsuchung der Lagerinsassen vor Abgang des Transports zum endgültigen Bestimmungsort,” 22 November 1939, NARA, T81, 286, Vomi 321, 2409561ff.; Rapp. “Transportanweisung für das Begleitkommando der Evakuierungszüge,” 22 November 1939, USHMM, RG15.015M, 3, 188, 23–24, as well as the supplemental order of the same date. USHMM. RG15.015M, 3, 188, 21.

45. No provenance, no date, APP, Landrat-Schrimm, 100, 31; Rapp, “Transportanweisung …,” 22 November 1939, USHMM, RG15.015M, 188, 23–24.

46. Krumey, “Bericht zu der Aufstellung der Abtransporte,” 22 November 1939, USHMM, RG15.015M, 2, 104, 13.

47. Heydrich (telegram), “Raeumung in den neuen Ostprovinzen,” 28 November 1939, Biuletyn XII, doc. 4, 15F–17F; Heydrich (telegram), “Raeumung im Warthegau.” 28 November 1939, USHMM, RG15.015M, 2, 99, 2.

48. Deutsches Auslands-Institut, “Umsiedlung der Polen aus dem neuen Reichsgebiet. Auszug aus dem Bericht von Dr. Könekamp. Polenfahrt vom 29.11 bis 9. 12.29,” December 1939 (no specific date), NARA, T81, 273, Vomi 140, 2393478ff.

49. Aly, , “Final Solution”, 59Google Scholar; Richter, “Bericht über die in Lodsch vom 12. Dezember bis zum 16. Dezember durchgeführte Evakuierung von Polen und Juden,” 16. December 1939, USHMM, RG15.015M, 3, 218, 27–35.

50. See the extract from the “Erlass des Chefs des Distrikts Radom im Generalgouvernement für die besetzen polnischen Gebiete,” 4 December 1939, Verfolgung, Vertreibung, Vernichtung: Dokumente des faschistischen Antisemitismus, 1933 bis 1942, ed. Pätzold, Kurt (Frankfurt am Main, 1984), doc. 219, pp. 251–52Google Scholar.

51. See the handwritten camp records, “Tägliche Eingänge von evakuierten Personen aus verschiedenen Kreisen, 1939–1940,” APL, UWZ-L, 11a, 1–205. The total number of arrivals at Glowno by 30 November was 2,767, but some were no doubt released due to mistaken arrests. An additional 10,496 Poles, primarily from Posen, arrived between 1–17 December 1939. Of eleven evacuation trains at the disposal of Warthegau authorities on 1 December 1939. three left Glowno that same day, all of them bound for Lublin. See “Fahrplanordnung,”. 1–2 December 1939. USHMM. RG15.015M, 3, 197, 1.

52. Zugwachtmeister und Transportführer Howein, “Bericht über den Verlauf des Evakuierten-Tramportes I,” 7 December 1939, USHMM, RG15.015M, 3, 202, 2–3.

53. Zugwachtmeister und Transportführer Nehrkorn, “Bericht über den Evakuiertentransport am 1.12.39, 1:30 Uhr, von Glowno nach Ostrowiec,” 7 December 1939, USHMM, RG15.015M, 3, 202, 3; Hauptwachtmeister und Transportführer Dünzl, “Fahrtverlauf des Abtransportes der aus dem Kreis Dietfurt evakuierten Polen nach Minsk-Mazow,” 10 December 1939, AGK, Reichsstatthalter-Warthegau, 293, 13–16.

54. Rapp, “Evakuierung der Polen und Juden — Transportmeldewesen,” 4 December 1939, USHMM, RG15.015M, 3, 197, 2–3; Rapp, “Verantwortung der Transportführer für ihren Transportzug,” 7 December 1939, USHMM, RG15.015M, 1, 96, 3–5; Rapp to all Landräte and Oberbürgermeister, “Begleitkommandos der Evakuierungstransporte,” 7 December 1939, USHMM, RG15.015M, 3, 197, 4–5.

55. Strickner to Rapp, “Schwierigkeiten bei der Evakuierung,” 8 December 1939, USHMM, RG15.015M, 3, 195, 3; Rapp, “Abtransport der Evakuierten,” 8 December 1939, USHMM, RG15.015M.3, 188, 35.

56. Richter, “Bericht über die in Lodsch von 12. Dezember bis zum 16. Dezember durchgeführte Evakuierung von Polen und Juden,” 16 December 1939, USHMM, RG15.015M, 3. 218, 27–35.

57. Ordensjunker Walther, “Auszugweise den Tätigkeitsbericht des Vorkommandos in Gnesen vom 18. 12.1939,” USHMM, RG15.015M, 3, 212, 2.

58. Rapp, “Erfahrungsbericht über die Umsiedlung von Polen und Juden aus dem Reichsgau ‘Wartheland’” 26 January 1940, NARA, T81, 286, Vomi 322, 2409574ff.

59. Der Reichsstatthalter-Warthegau to the Reich Ministry of the Interior (signed Coulon), “Evakuierungsmassnahmen im Reichsgau Wartheland,” (draft) circa 9 February 1940, AGK, Reichsstatthalter-Wartheland, 297, 83–90.

60. Browning, , Nazi Policy, 9–10Google Scholar.

61. See n. 48.

62. Rapp's two comprehensive reports on the 1. Nahplan: “Abschiebung von Juden und Polen aus dem Warthegau. Erfahrungen aus dem bisherigen Ablauf der Aktion und Planung für die zukünftigen Transporte,” 18 December 1939, Biuletyn XII, doc. 8, 22F–31F; “Erfahrungsbericht” (see n. 73). Unless otherwise noted, the following discussion refers exclusively to these two documents.

63. HSSPF Koppe, “Herreichung eines Erfahrungsberichtes und der in den bisherigen Anordnungen des Höheren SS- und Polizeiführers Warthe geforderten Gesamtaufstellungen und Unterlagen,” 6 01 1940, USHMM, RG15.015M, 1, 96, 6–7.

64. Petzel (General der Artillerie), “Wehrmacht und Polizei,” 3 sc 1940, USHMM, RG15.015M, 3, 166, 1. Rapp's observations raise interesting questions about generational attitudes toward racial policy that deserve further exploration and analysis.

65. See, for example, the report by the Gendarmerieabteilung Dobra in Kreis Turek, “Evakuierungstransport nach Bochnia [12.12.39],” 10 January 1940, USHMM, RG15.015M, 3, 202, 8–9, in which the police describe how Polish railway workers had refused to provide coal and water for an evacuation train. In early 1940, the Ostbahn employed 9,298 Germans and 36,640 Poles; by late 1943, the rail system had 145,000 Poles (as well as a few thousand Ukrainians) on the payroll, but still only 9,000 Germans. See Hilberg, 134. Much to the consternation of Rapp, the Ostbahn and the Wehrmacht, sometimes requisitioned evacuation trains for their own purposes.

66. See the extract of the 29 December 1939 report to Hans Frank “Über das Schicksal der Vertriebenen nach ihrer Ankunft im ‘Generalgouvernement,’” Pätzold, doc. 222, 254.

67. Polish Ministry of Information, The Black Book of Poland (New York, 1942), 195Google Scholar.

68. Broszat, , Nationalsozialistische Polenpolitik, 43Google Scholar.

69. See the “Vermerk,” on the 4 January 1940 meeting in Berlin concerning future deportations from the incorporated territories (Eichmann presiding), Biuletyn XII, doc. 12, 37F–39F.

70. Himmler, Heinrich, Geheimreden 1933 bis 1945 und andere Ansprachen, ed. Smith, Bradley K. and Peterson, Agnes F. (Frankfurt am Main, 1974)Google Scholar, “Rede vor Gauleitern und Parteifunktionären am 29.2.40,” p. 137. For other reports concerning transport deaths, see The Black Book of Poland, 170 ff.

71. Gestapo-Posen (gez. Bischoff), “Behandlung von Juden, die sich entgegen dem Umsiedlungsbefehl auf dem Gebiet des Deutschen Reiches befinden,” 13 December 1939, APP, Landrat-Schrimm, 100, 35, transmitted verbally to the Jewish Council of Elders in each community in the Warthegau. It was aimed at the Polish population as well.

72. Der Polizeipräsident-Posen to the RFSS, “Erteilung von Wiedereinreisegenehmigung an evakuierte Polen durch militärische Dienststellen,” 2 January 1940, AGK, Reichsstatthalter-Warthegau, 299, 40; Landrat Konin, “Evakuierung,” 6 January 1940, AGK, Reichsstatthalter-Warthegau, 299, 24; Der Reichsstatthalter, “Vermerk: Umsiedlung von Polen und Juden,” 9 February 1940. AGK, Reichsstatthalter-Warthegau, 297, 81–82. Though execution supposedly awaited evacuees upon their return, I have found no evidence to suggest that many were actually carried out. In fact, some who returned to Kreis Gostingen in January were allowed to stay temporarily; others were simply sent back east. See Commander of the Gendarmerie-Posen, “Bericht von 16 Januar 1940,” 16 January 1940, USHMM, RG15.015M, 3, 170, 1.

73. Rapp, “Abschiebung von Polen und Juden aus dem Reichsgau ‘Wartheland,’” 4 January 1940, AGK, Greiser Trial, 13, 32–33.

74. Rapp, reports of 26 January 1940, NARA, T81, 286, Vomi 322, 2409574ff. and 18 December 1939, Biuletyn XII, doc. 8, 25F, 26F, 31 F.

75. HSSPF-Posen, see n. 29 and 33.

76. The discrepancy of 10,000 is unexplained. Rapp stated that the missing reports were, for the most part, those from small or judenfrei districts.

77. Rapp, report of 18 December 1939, Biuletyn XII, doc. 8, 31F.

78. Chef der Sipo und des SD (gez. Heydrich), “Räumung in den Ostprovinzen,” 21 December 1939, Biuletyn XII. doc. 9., 32F.

79. Aly, , “Final Solution,” 64–66Google Scholar. Eichmann's bureau was initially called “Amt IVR” (“Evacuation”), but redesignated “Amt IVD4” (“Emigration and Evacuation”) in early February 1940. The bureau of Hans Ehlich, chief of RSHA Amt IIIES (“Immigration and Settlement”), was renamed “Amt IIIB” (“Volkstum”) on 21 March 1940.

80. Chef der Sipo und des SD, “2. Nahplan,” 21 December 1939, USHMM, RG15.015M, 2, 99, 10–16.

81. Ibid.

82. Aly, , “Final Solution,” 42Google Scholar; Chef der Sipo und des SD, EWZ-Nordost, Posen, “Aktenvermerk: Organisation und personale Fragen bei der Erfassung der Wolhynien- und Galiziendeutschen,” 4 December 1939, AGK, CAMSW 167, RuSHA, 1, 1–3.

83. Lumans, Valdis O., Himmler's Auxiliaries: The Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle and the German National Minorities in Europe, 1933–1945 (Chapel Hill, 1993), 163–64Google Scholar.

84. According to RKF statistics, of the roughly 128,000 Volhynian, Galician, and Narev Volksdeutschen who immigrated to Reich territory in 1939–40, 62,848 were active workers, and of these, 48,062 were farmers. Der Menscheneinsatz, 110 (see n. 31).

85. Browning, , The Path, 9Google Scholar.

86. RSHA IVD4–IIIES, “Besprechung am 30. Januar 1940,” 30 January 1940, Biuletyn XII, doc. 22, 66F–75F.

87. These actions were termed the Zwischenplan (February-March 1940), the 2. Nahplan (April 1940–January 1941), and the 3. Nahplan — 1. Teilprogram (February-March 1941), respectively. See Rutherford, “Race, Space, and the ‘Polish Question,’” chaps. V–VII.

88. Ibid., chap. VI.

89. Quoted in Aly, , “Final Solution,” 65Google Scholar.

90. See Rapp's SS personnel file, NARA, BDC, RG242, A3343 SSO-007B, as well as the transcript of his trial for war crimes held in Essen in 1965–66, Justiz und Verbrechen: Sammlung deutscher Strafteile wegen nationalsozialistischer Tötungsverbrechen, 1945–1966 (Amsterdam, 1979), Case 588, vol. XX, 719–815Google Scholar.

91. Safrian, 293–311.

92. Aly, , “Final Solution,” 8Google Scholar.

93. Safrian, 209ff.

94. Aly, , “Final Solution,” 8Google Scholar.