I would like to express my gratitude for financial assistance in researching this article from Dean Esslinger, Director of Faculty Development, Towson State University.

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2. ibid., 294.

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18. Between 1934 and 1945, the prolific pen of Renner was silent, except for a brief interview in the Neues Wiener Tagblatt, 3 Apr. 1938, “Ich stimme mit Ja”; Schroth, Hans, ed., Karl Renner: Eine Bibliographie (Vienna, 1970), 101–2.Google Scholar

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20. Lenin, , Sochinenii, vol. 41Google Scholar, “Pismo k avstriiskim kommunistam,” 268–73; originally on the front page of Die rote Fahne, 31 Aug. 1920, the organ of the Austrian Communist Party, “Ein Brief Lenins an die österreichischen Kommunisten.”

21. Lenin, , Sochinenii, vol. 41, “Detskaia bolezn Ievizny' v kommunizme,” Apr.-May 1920, 19–20; emphases in original.Google Scholar

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25. The OSS estimated that as the Russians were beginning to approach Vienna, the Nazis executed approximately 800 people a month. Among those hanged were influential members of the Social Democratic party. NA, RG 226, L53931, 8 Mar. 1945.

26. Sweet, Paul R. and Johnson, Edgar N., “The Political Situation in Upper Austria,” 2 Aug. 1945Google Scholar. Sweet file. Johnson's and Sweet's “muckraking” (as their political reporting was called in the upper echelons of the OSS) in Upper Austria landed them briefly “in the doghouse.” The “big stink in high quarters” briefly halted their political interviews in Vienna until they obtained “support in high places.” Sweet letters to his wife, 21, 22, 25 Aug. 1945. Sweet file, in Rathkolb, , Gesellschaft und Politik, 240–41.Google Scholar

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28. Ruzin, N., “The Organization of Civil Administration in Liberated Territories,” War and the Working Class. no. 11, 1 June 1944, 15Google Scholar; in OSS R&A Report, 1785.43, Situation Report: USSR, 5 May 1945, NA, RG 59 [the Record Group of the Diplomatic Branch], 2–3.

29. The Moscow Declaration, issued by the Allied foreign ministers, Cordell Hull (US), Viacheslav Molotov (USSR) and Anthony Eden (UK), was primarily a stimulus to Austrian resistance against Nazi Germany. It fell far short, however, in fulfilling this expectation. Part of the problem was in the dual nature of the declaration: Austria had been the first victim of Nazi aggression and was thus to be liberated; still, Austria bore a responsibility for the war. Austria, therefore, was the victim of one crime and the perpetrator of another, a nation to be liberated and yet to be punished.

30. The fact that Renner had taken the same stand Pravda conveniently ignored.

31. Kiselev, P., “Na puti k osvobozhdaniiu Avstrii,” Pravda, 7 Apr. 1945, 4.Google Scholar

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34. Soon after the Red Army entered Vienna, Red Star announced that in many areas representatives of anti-Nazi parties had elected district mayors who were assisting Soviet commanders to restore order; Red Star, 14 Apr. 1945, ibid., 3n.

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36. Istoriia Velikogo Otechestvennoi voiny Sovetskogo Soiuza, 1941–1945 (Moscow, 1963), 5: 212–16. The official history only briefly acknowledges the existence of a weak resistance which, however, did provide valuable intelligence to the Red Army.

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48. NA, RG 226, L58515, 21 Aug. 1945.

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51. R&A 3036.2, “Soviet Views on ‘Regional Arrangements’ (before the San Francisco Conference),” 14 June 1945, NA, RG 59.

52. In his memoirs, Churchill calls attention to Molotov's “insulting phrases” which, it turns out, are nothing more than a complaint that “for two weeks behind the back of the Soviet Union … [Western] negotiations have been going” on with the Germans. Stalin thought that the sensitive Churchill ought not to “take every frank statement of mine as an affront.” See Churchill, Winston S., The Second World War, vol. 6: Triumph and Tragedy (New York, Bantam, 1962 [1953]). 383–89Google Scholar; and Stalin's Correspondence With Churchill and Attlee, 1941–1945 (New York, 1965), 311–18.

53. Stalin's deal with Renner was similar to the OSS's exploratory talks with Wolff. It was done in secret and when the West was notified it was in the form of a fait accompli. Still, there were differences: Stalin negotiated with a Social Democrat, not a Nazi with whom the Allies were at war, and Stalin consummated his deal.

54. I. Konev, “Sorok piatyi god,” Novyi mir. May 1965, 38; Seaton, Albert, The Russo-German War, 1941–1945 (New York, 1971), 565Google Scholar; Zhukov, G. K., The Memoirs of Marshal Zhukov (New York, 1971), 588–89Google Scholar; Istoriia, 5: 257; Shtemenko, S. M., Generalnyi shtab v gody voiny (Moscow, 1968), 328–29.Google Scholar

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57. Vienna R&A Report no. 4, Johnson, Edgar N. and Sweet, Paul R., “Interview with Theodor Körner, Lord Mayor of Vienna,” 20 Aug. 1945. Sweet file.Google Scholar

58. R&A Field Report no. 1, Edgar N. Johnson, “Interview with Dr. Adolf Schärf, Social Democratic Member of the Chancellor's Political Council in the Renner Government,” 10 Aug. 1945, NA, RG 226, XL14338.

59. R&A, “Austria—Reasons for British Failure to Recognize the Renner Government,” 26 Sept. 1945, RG 226, XL18806, in Rathkolb, ed., Gesellschaft und Politik, 185–86.

60. R&A 3400, “The Reorganization of the Austrian Government and the Preparations for National Elections,” 4 Oct. 1945, NA, RG 59, 8.

61. R&A Field Report no. 1.

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63. Vienna R&A Field Report no. 5, “Leopold Kunschak, Elder Statesman of the Volkspartei,” Edgar N. Johnson and Paul R. Sweet, 21 Aug. 1945. Sweet file. Johnson and Sweet thought Kunschak's bleak picture was “out of focus.”

64. R&A, 1785.54, Situation Report: USSR, 10 Oct. 1945, NA, RG 59, 6–8.

65. Vienna R&A Report no. 4, Edgar N. Johnson and Paul R. Sweet, “Interview With Theodor Körner, Lord Mayor of Vienna,” 20 Aug. 1945. Sweet file. The account of the creation of the municipal government of Vienna is based largely on this interview.

66. Vienna R&A Field Report no. 16, Edgar N. Johnson and Paul R. Sweet, “Interview with Ernst Fischer, State Secretary for Public Enlightenment, Education, and Religion,” 21 Sept. 1945. Sweet file.

67. Kennan, , Russia and the West, 234–37Google Scholar. Fischer's cosmopolitan views are well expressed in his The Necessity of Art: A Marxist Approach (Baltimore, 1963).

68. Vienna R&A Field Report no. 16.

69. Henry L. Roberts, digest of the Austrian Communist Party pamphlet, Auf zum Kampf für die Freiheit und Wiedergeburt Österreichs, 13 Aug. 1944, NA, RG 226, 89420, 1–6. R&A 2635, “The Communist Party in Austria,” 23 Dec. 1944, NA, RG 59, 13.

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71. Vienna R&A Field Report no. 16.

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73. On 13 April, the very day Vienna fell, the Red Army conducted highly publicized wreathlaying ceremonies at the tombs of Strauss and Beethoven–photographs of which were carried on the front page of Izvestiia the next day—only to demand in the same breath control of the oil wells at Zistersdorf.

74. Annex “F,” a report by an officer of the 6870th DISCC, latter part of June 1945, sent to SHAEF, NA, RG 226, 142130.

75. Vienna R&A Report no. 4, 2d Lt. Leonard J. Hankin, “The Occupation of Ravelsbach, Lower Austria: A Personal Report, 1 September 1945,” 12 Sept. 1945. Sweet file.

76. “The new Reich, the old pig sty, but new pigs,” Col. GSC George R. Carey, “Conditions in Austria,” 2 May 1945, NA, RG 226, XL9513, 4.

77. Johnson, Edgar N. and Sweet, Paul R., “The Question of Recognizing the Renner Government,” 6 Sept. 1945. Sweet file, in Rathkolb, , ed., Gesellschaft und Politik, 172.Google Scholar

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79. R&A 1785.54, Situation Report: USSR, 10 Oct. 1945, NA, RG 59, 10.

80. “Austria: Communist Activities in Carinthia,” 15 Oct. 1945, NA, RG 226, XL24149.

81. “Interview with Chancellor Leopold Figl,” 4 Dec. 1945, NA, RG 226, XL28849.

82. NA, RG 226, XL28721.

83. Vodopivec, Alexander, Die Quadratur des Kreisky: Österreich zwischen parlamentarischer Demokratie und Gewerkschaftsstaat (Vienna, 1973), 183, 248.Google Scholar

84. Engelman, Frederick E., “The Salient Characteristics of Political Life in Austria Since the Second World War,” in Wright, , ed., Austria Since 1945, 31Google Scholar. Dallin is certainly incorrect in saying that “Communists as well as non-Communists believed that in an election the Communist Party would receive between 25 and 30% of the vote”; “Stalin, Renner und Tito,” 11032.

85. Hiscocks, Richard, The Rebirth of Austria (New York, 1953), 43.Google Scholar

86. Two OSS officers later wrote that the election “was marked by less fraud than one is accustomed to expect in New York or Chicago,” Fleisher, Henry C. and Lowenstein, Dyno, “Austria: Libertated Problem-Child,” Harpers, August 1946, 138.Google Scholar

87. Paul R. Sweet letter, 2 May 1982, to Josef Leidenfrost. Sweet file.

88. Johnson, Edgar N., Sweet, Paul R. and Hankin, Leonard J., “Interview with Dr. Heinz Dürmayer, Chief of the Austrian Political Police (Leiter der Staatspolizei),” 27 Aug. 1945Google Scholar. Sweet file. Donovan memo for Truman, 17 Aug. 1945, Miscellaneous Documents File, Truman Library, Independence, Missouri, in Rathkolb, , Gesellschaft und Politik, 148, 150–51.Google Scholar

89. FRUS, 1945, 3:656, 21 Nov. 1945.

90. Hannak, , Karl Renner und seine Zeit, 670–71.Google Scholar

91. ibid., 672–75.

92. Dallin, , “Stalin, Renner und Tito,” 11034.Google Scholar