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The Reich Vocational Contest and Students of Higher Learning in Nazi Germany

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 December 2008

Extract

After an agreement between Nazi Labor Front Leader Dr. Robert Ley and Reich Youth Leader Baldur von Schirach on December 8, 1993, providing the necessary organizational background, one of the most curious experiments in National Socialist educational policy was launched. The first Reichsberufswettkampf, or Reich Vocational Contest, brought more than half a million young people3 between the ages of fourteen and twenty-one together and encouraged them to compete against each other in fifteen professional fields, between April 9 and 14 of 1934. At the end of the month, fourteen boys and six girls were summoned to Berlin to be declared “Reich Victors,” in the presence of highest government and party plenipotentiaries.

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Copyright © Conference Group for Central European History of the American Historical Association 1974

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References

1. Details in Kaufmann, Günter, Der Reichsberufswettkampf. Die berufliche Aufrüstung der deutschen Jugend (Berlin, 1935), p. 28;Google ScholarAxmann, Artur, Der Reichsberufswettkampf (Berlin, 1938), pp. 1920.Google Scholar

2. Surprisingly, the affair has found few mentions by historians of the Third Reich. Edward Yarnall Hartshorne, Jr., was one of the first to deal with the academic side of it. See The German Universities and National Socialism (Cambridge, Mass., 1937), pp. 123–25.Google Scholar David Schoenbaum dedicates a mere page and a half to the entire Reichsberufswettkampf, in his book Hitler's Social Revolution. Class and Status in Nazi Germany 1933–1939 (Doubleday Anchor A 590, New York, 1967), pp. 9596.Google Scholar Also Mason, T. W., “Labour in the Third Reich, 1933–1939,” Past and Present (Apr. 1966), p. 124.Google Scholar

3. The exact figure has not yet been determined. While Axmann mentions 500,000 (p. 26), Kaufmann speaks of 750,000 (p. 30).

4. Foods; Textiles; Clothing; Construction; Woods; Metals; Chemicals; Printing; Public Works; Mining; Banking and Insurance; Free Professions; Leather; Agriculture (Nährstand); Stone and Concrete; Commerce; Barbering; Domestic Help; Health; University Students; Window Decorating; and Artisans (see list in Axmann, p. 36).

6. By 1938, the scope of professional specialization considered by the Reichsberufswettkampf (RBWK hereafter) administration was extremely wide. In the category “Chemicals” alone, twelve subdivisions were counted (ibid., pp. 296–97).

7. ibid., pp. 45–46.

8. See example “Textiles,” ibid., pp. 44–45; example “Woods,” ibid., p. 85.

9. Statistics of participants vary. See graph “Teilnehmerzahlen,” in memorandum dated Berlin, Jan. 17, 1938, Archiv der ehem. Reichsstudentenführung und des NSDStB in der Universitätsbibliothek Würzburg (ARW hereafter), RSF III* A-3, 1.94; “Fachschulstudent im Reichsleistungskampf,” n.d., ARW, RSF III* A-1, 1.14.

10. Cf. the careful phrasing in Herbert Beer, “Reichsleistungswettkampf der Deutschen Studentenschaft im Wintersemester 1935/1936,” Der deutsche Student (1935), p. 550; Kaufmann, p. 51; Kubach, Fritz, “Der Reichsberufswettkampf der deutschen Studenten,” Nationalsozialistische Bibliographie, IV (Berlin, 1939), no. 1/2, 117.Google Scholar Also Ziegler and Feickert, “Aufruf! Studenten und Reichsberufswettkampf,” Berlin, Jan. 24, 1935, ARW, RSF III* A-1, 1.11.

11. “Rundschreiben DF/H.f.F. 6/34–35,“ Berlin, Jan. 24, 1935, ARW, RSF III* A-1, 1.11. Also “Rundschreiben D.F./H.f.F. 10/35,” Berlin, Feb. 11, 1935.

12. “Fachschulstudent im Reichsleistungskampf,” n.d., ARW, RSF III* A-1, 1.14.

13. DSt is explained in fn. 87, below.

14. “Vereinbarung” of August 6, in “Rundschreiben Nr. 3,” Berlin, Aug. 28, 1935, ARW, RSF III* A-0, 1.22. See also announcement by Feickert, “Studenten an deutschen Hoch-und Fachschulen!” Berlin, Aug. 28, 1935, in Der deutsche Student (1935), p. 626.

15. See Feder, Gottfried, Das Programm der NSDAP und seine weltanschaulichen Grundgedanken, 126th–135th ed. (1st ed. 1927) (Munich, 1933), pp. 5455.Google Scholar Also Guillenbaud, C. W., The Social Policy of Nazi Germany (Cambridge, 1942), p. 131.Google Scholar

16. See Rosenberg's, Alfred authoritative interpretation in Völkischer Beobachter, Munich, 02 1, 1927, and Feder, pp. 5455.Google Scholar Also Kele, Max H., Nazis and Workers. National Socialist Appeals to German Labor, 1919–1933 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1972), pp. 4344.Google Scholar Further, see statement of Renteln's Kampfbund program (Dec. 1932) in Winkler, Heinrich August, Mittelstand, Demokratie und Nationalsozialismus. Die politische Entwicklung von Handwerk und Kleinhandel in der Weimarer Republik (Cologne, 1972), p. 175.Google Scholar

17. Ley, , Durchbruch der sozialen Ehre. Reden und Gedanken für das schaffende Deutschland, ed. Dauer, Hans and Kiehl, Walter (Berlin, 1935), p. 231.Google Scholar Also see the interesting chapter “Volksgemeinschaft statt Klassenkampf,” in Nassen, Paul, Kapital und Arbeit im Dritten Reich. Hitlers Mai-Programm und seine Durchführung (Berlin, 1933), pp. 618.Google Scholar

18. Although it must be interjected at this point that after World War I, the ratio of higher and lower middle class (Kleinbürger) within the student bodies of degree-granting universities and technical colleges (Technische Hochschulen) had been gradually changing in favor of the latter. See the table in Deutsche Houchschulstatistik, VII (Sommerhalbjahr 1931), ed. Hochschulverwaltungen, *41; Bäumer, Gertrud, Schulaufbau, Berufsauslese, Berechtigungswesen (Berlin, 1930), p. 27;Google ScholarNothaas, J., “Sozialer Auf- und Abstieg im deutschen Volke,” Kölner Vierteljahreshefte für Soziologie, IX (1930), no. 1/2, 6465;Google ScholarRiemer, Svend, “Sozialer Aufstieg und Klassenschichtung,” Archiv für Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik, LXVII (1932), 552.Google Scholar See also fn. 143, below.

19. Die Bewegung, Munich, May 9, 1939.

20. See Axmann, p. 13; Kaufmann, “Studententum, Hochschule und Reichsberufs wettkampf,” Der deutsche Student (1935), p. 254.

21. Ziegler and Feickert, “Aufruf! Studenten und Reichsberufswettkampf,” Berlin, Jan. 24, 1935, ARW, RSF III* A-1, 1.11. Similar phrases in Kaufmann, RBWK, p. 35; Feickert, “Tradition, Wille, Leistung!” Der deutsche Student (1935), p. 627.

22. Kaufmann, “Studententum,” p. 253; Kaufmann, RBWK, p. 35.

23. See “Rundschreiben Nr. 4,” Berlin, Aug. 28, 1935, ARW, RSF III* A-0, 1.22; Danziger Vorposten, Danzig, May 6, 1936.

24. Memorandum, Rittmarshausen, Oct. 15, 1935, ARW, RSF III* A-1, 1.32.

25. Roegele, Otto B., “Student im Dritten Reich,” in Kuhn, Helmut et al. , Die deutsche Universität im Dritten Reich. Eine Vortragsreihe der Universität München (Munich, 1966), p. 159;Google ScholarFaust, Anselm, Der Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Studentenbund. Studenten und Nationalsozialismus in der Weimarer Republik, 2 vols. (Düsseldorf, 1973), II, 131;Google Scholar Feickert, “Tradition,” p. 627.

26. “Themenbekanntgabe für den Reichsleistungskampf durch Kamerad Beer,” Rittmarshausen, Oct. 19, 1935, ARW, RSF III* A-1, 1.32.

27. Six, F. A., Studenten bauen auf! Der 1. Reichsleistungskampf 1935/36 (Marburg and Berlin, n.d.), p. x.Google Scholar

28. Graph “Teilnehmerzahlen,” in memorandum dated Berlin, Jan. 17, 1938, ARW, RSF III * A-3, 1.94; Axmann, p. 364.

29. Ibid. It must be remembered that on the whole, student enrollment declined during this time. Cf. figures for universities only: from 68,043 in 1934/1935 to 40,645 in 1939 (Statistisches Handbuch von Deutschland 1928–1944, ed. Besatzungsgebiets, Länderrat des Amerikanischen [Munich, 1949], p. 622.Google ScholarLorenz, Charlotte, Zehn-Jahresstatistik des Hochschulbesuchs und der Abschlussprüfungen, ed. Ministerium für Wissenschaft, Erziehung, und Volksbildung, , 2 vols. [Berlin, 1943]. See also fn. 139, below).Google Scholar

30. P. 36.

31. Axmann, p. 365. See also fn. 166, below.

32. The organizational hierarchy with its important bearing on content assessment is discussed ibid., pp. 365–66; Reichsleistungskampf (Berlin, n. d.) (copy of this in ARW, RSF III * A-1, 1.11), p. 13; Engel, Rolf, “Der studentische Reichsberufswettkampf,” Volk im Werden, V (1937), 178–79;Google Scholar “Rundschreiben Nr. 7,” Berlin, Sept. 14, 1935, ARW, RSF III* A-0, 1.22.

33. Examples: “Reichsleistungsschau der deutschen Studenten,” in Berlin, June 1937. See Kubach, Studenten bauen auf! Der 3. Reichsberufswettkampf der deutschen Studenten 1937/38. Ein Rechenschaftsbericht (n.p., n.d.), p. 17. Also see “Folge zur Eröffnungsfeier der Reichsleistungsschau ‘Studenten bauen auf’ “ (1937), Kubach Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, Manuscript Division (hereafter cited as LCW, MD), Ace. 11, 280, Box 793. For 1938, see W. Biesenick to Reichswettkampfleiter, Berlin, May 16, 1938, ARW, RSF III * A-o, 6.2.

34. See “Terminplan” (1935), ARW, RSF III * A-o, 1.31; Kubach, Studenten, p. 17; Kubach, “Reichsberufswettkampf,” p. 123; Der Danziger Vorposten, Danzig, 05 6, 1936;Google ScholarDie Bewegung, Munich, 05 9, 1939.Google Scholar See also “Reichssiegerehrung des 3. Reichsberufswettkampfes der deutschen Studenten am 28. April 1938,” Kubach Papers, LCW, MD, Acc. 11, 280, Box 793.

35. See “Rundschreiben Nr. 3,” Berlin, Nov. 20, 1936, ARW, RSF III * A-o, 1.25; Scheel, “Befehl RSF 41/37,” Munich, May 22, 1937, ARW, RSF III * A-o, 1.27.

36. In 1938, not yet thirty, he was made a professor in Königsberg. Later, he rose to high positions in the SS. See Personal File Six, Berlin Document Center.

37. “Lebenslauf” in Kubach, , Johannes Kepler als Mathematiker (diss., Heidelberg; pub. Karlsruhe, 1935.Google Scholar The best introduction to Lenard is in Mosse, George L., Nazi Culture. Intellectual, Cultural and Social Life in the Third Reich (New York, 1968), pp. 197205.Google Scholar

38. For details, see Petzina, Dieter, Autarkiepolitik im Dritten Reich. Der nationalsozialistische Vierjahresplan (Stuttgart, 1968).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

39. See Ley, , Wir alle helfen dem Führer. Deutschland braucht jeden Deutschen (Munich, 1937), pp. 7172;Google Scholar Kaufmann, RBWK, pp. 16, 21–22, 54; Axmann, RBWK, pp. 21, 28, 32, 70; Axmann, , Olympia der Arbeit. Arbeiterjugend im Reichsberufswettkampf (Berlin, 1937), p. 14.Google Scholar Also see Ley, , Soldaten der Arbeit (Munich, 1938), p. 209;Google ScholarKühne, Hans, “Der Arbeitseinsatz im Vierjahresplan,” Jahrbücher für Nationalökonomie und Statistik (1937), p. 692;Google ScholarSchweizerische Arbeitgeberzeitung (1937), no. 8, p. 52.

40. Concerning the natural affinity between the Nazi regime and technology, which cannot be treated in depth here, consult Hartshorne, pp. 110–12; Hofer, Walther, “Einleitung,” in Hofer, , ed., Wissenschaft im totalen Staat (Munich and Bern, 1964), pp. 78,Google Scholar and, from a contemporary Nazi vantage point, Jordan, Pascual, Physikalisches Denken in der neuen Zeit (Hamburg, 1935).Google Scholar

41. See p. 226, above.

42. Cf. Kühne, p. 687.

43. See Reichsberufswettkampf der deutschen Studenten 1936–1937, ed. Reichsstudentenführung, München (Berlin, n.d.), p. 30.Google Scholar

44. For an explanation of Germany's chronic fuel shortage even before 1939, see Petzina, pp. 36–39.

45. “Die ersten Meldungen,” Berlin, Nov. 18, 1935, ARW, RSF III * A-1, 1.22.

46. Reichsstudentenführung to Studentenführer of Technische Hochschule Karlsruhe, June 24, 1937, ARW, RSF III * A-2, 3.43. Regarding the importance of fuel research within RBWK, also see Reichsberufswettkampf…1936–1937, p. 20.

47. Reichsstudentenführung to Studentenführer of Technische Hochschule Stuttgart, June 25, 1937, ARW, RSF III * A-2, 3.43.

48. Reichsstudentenführung to Studentenführer of Technische Hochschule Danzig, June 24, 1937, ARW, RSF III * A-2, 3.43.

49. Westfälische Landeszeitung Rote Erde, Dortmund, 02 7, 1937.Google Scholar

50. Bardorf, Oskar, “Über den Einsatz der Studenten im Reichsberufswettkampf am Technikum München,” Das Gas-und Wasserfach, LXXX (1937), no. 12, 192.Google Scholar

51. “Einschränkung von Sparstoffen durch Umkonstruktion bzw. Verwendung geeigneter Heimstoffe bei Schienenfahrzeugen. Konstruktionsbeispiele,” Staatliche Ingenieurschule Breslau (1938/39), ARW, RSF III * B-4.17.

52. Beer, Herbert, “Der Sinn der Gruppenarbeit; ein Vorschlag,” Der deutsche Student (1935), p. 636.Google Scholar

53. Schmitz, Walter, “Wissenschaft im Dienste des Volkes. Der studentische Berufswettkampf Impuls völkischer Forschungsarbeit,” Aufbruch, May 10, 1939.Google Scholar See also Müller, Albert, “Die Front der jungen Arbeit,” Der deutsche Student (1935), p. 631;Google ScholarVolk im Werden, VI (1938), 341.

54. Address reprinted verbatim in Der deutsche Student (1935), p. 638. Italics mine.

55. See ARW, RSF III * A-2, 3.12.

56. “Beurteilung der RBWK-Arbeit Nr. 367,” Reichsberufswettkampf ddSt. to Studentenführer, Hochschule für Lehrerbildung Cottbus, June 16, 1937, ARW, RSF III * A-2, 3.43.

57. “Vergleichende Untersuchungen von Stadt-und Landkindern in Freiburg…, mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der Schäden, die zur späteren Wehruntauglichkeit führen können,” p. 2, Universität Freiburg (1937/38), ARW, RSF III * B-3, 1.

58. Wehrwille und Wehrfreiheit. Cf. ARW, RSF III * A-5, 7.14.

59. Ritterbusch, Paul, Wissenschaft im Kampf um Reich und Lebensraum (Stuttgart and Berlin, 1942), pp. 5, 16–17.Google Scholar In a similar, though less official vein: Frank, Walter, Die deutschen Geisteswissenschaften im Kriege (Hamburg, 1940), esp. pp. 2431.Google Scholar

60. Dietrich, Otto, Die philosophischen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus. Ein Ruf zu den Waffen deutschen Geistes (Breslau, 1935). See esp. p. 17.Google Scholar

61. ARW, RSF III * B.

62. The following constitutes an enumeration of the topics, which is, as a matter of intention, based neither on chronology nor on any logical thematic order possibly suggested by the fields in question: (1) “Foreign Influences on the Shaping of German Militarism until the National Socialist Era” (1936/1937; Berlin University; B-2, 1/95); (2) “Methods and Aims of National Socialist Education in Its Relationship to the Idea and Appearance of Nordically Determined Men” (1936/1937; Halle-Wittenberg University; B-2, 3/195); (3) “Essential Questions Relating to the Present Education of Girls” (1938/1939; Hochschule für Lehrerbildung Elbing; B-4, 14/575); (4) “History of Settlement and Population of the South-East Prussian Border District” (1938/1939; Königsberg University; B-4, 14/587); (5) “The Concept of Freedom of the Press and Its Dependence on the Theory of State” (1935/1936; Leipzig University; B-1, 5/127); (6) “Village and Town in the Sudetens” (1935/1936; Handelshochschule Leipzig; B-1, 5/132); (7) “Folkish-Historical Analysis of the Hochwald Village of Thalfang” (1938/1939; Hochschule für Lehrerbildung Trier; B-4, 8/357); (8) “The Environment of Female Workers in the Wool-Processing Plants of Döhren (Hanover)” (1936/1937; Hochschule für Lehrerbildung Hanover; B-2 4/243); (9) “Rumania: Results of an Excursion of German Students (Autumn 1936)” (1936/1937; Hamburg University; B-2, 4/207); (10) “The History of the Chemical and Physical-Chemical State Institute of the Hanseatic University (with Special Reference to the Jewish Question)” (1936/1937; Hamburg University; B-2, 4/201); (11) “The History of the Observatory at Heidelberg-Königsstuhl with Particular Consideration Given to the Jewish Question” (1936/1937; Heidelberg University; B-2, 1/16); (12) “The Tasks of Art Criticism in the Press” (1936/1937; Berlin University; B-2, 1/91); (13) “The Change in the Concept of Property on behalf of National Socialism by Means of Third Reich Legislation and the Mobilization of the German Population within the Four-Year Plan” (1936/1937; Erlangen University; B-2, 3/151); (14) “The Influence of Jews in the Franconian Countryside” (1936/1937; Handelshochschule Nuremberg; B-2, 3/160); (15) “Examination of the Nutrition Standards among Skilled Workers' Families Employed by Linke-Hoffmann Works, Breslau” (1938/1939; Breslau University, B-4, 17/743); (16) “French Race Doctrines since Gobineau and Their Acceptance in France” (1938/1939; Breslau University; B-4, 17/745); (17) “Mobilization of German Physicians in the Colonies” (1936/1937; Berlin University; B-2, 2/111); (18) “Educational Criteria for Students of Economics” (1936/1937; Wirtschaftshochschule Berlin; B-2 2/114); (19) “The School Celebration” (1936/1937; Staatliche Hochschule für Musikerziehung und Kirchenmusik Berlin; B-2, 2/115); (20) “Influence of Freemasonry during the French Revolution” (1937/1938; Berlin University; B-3, 1/68); (21) “Germanic Folkish Heritage in the Alemanic Village of Wintersweiler” (1937/1938; Hochschule für Lehrerbildung Karlsruhe; B-3, 1/51); (22) “The Demand for Physical Education to be Considered by the German Village Teacher” (1937/1938; Hochschule für Lehrerbildung Karlsruhe; B-3, 1/49); (23) “South-West German River Navigation: Development, Essence, and Aims within the German Four-Year Plan” (1937/1938; Heidelberg University; B-3, 1/15); (24) “Studies in Life Styles Undertaken by the Team ‘Hamburg Industrial Analyses’ ” (1936/1937; Hamburg University; B-2, 4/205); (25) “The Seeker: A German Drama. Stage Play” (1936/1937; Freiburg University; B-2, 1/6).

63. Nos. 2, 6, 17, 21.

64. E.g., no. 6, pp. 22–25.

65. Nos. 2, 12.

66. Nos. 2, 3, 13, 19, 22.

67. Nos. 3, 20, 25.

68. No. 3, pp. 14–15.

69. Four of observed cases: nos. 2, 5, 12, 13.

70. No. 2, p. 185.

71. No. 5, pp. 98–100; no. 12.

72. Nos. 5, 19, 22.

73. No. 5, p. 98.

74. No. 19, p. 2.

75. Ibid., p. 8.

76. In at least four of the cases: nos. 5, 12, 13, 23.

77. See nos. 6, 13.

78. See no. 14.

79. See nos. 6, 21.

80. For more on this aspect, consult Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology. Intellectual Origins of the Third Reich (New York, 1964), pp. 171–89;Google ScholarLaqueur, Walter, Young Germany. A History of the German Youth Movement (New York, 1962);Google ScholarKater, , “Die Artamanen—Völkische Jugend in der Weimarer Republik,” Historische Zeitschrift, CCXIII (12 1971), 590–95;Google ScholarBergmann, Klaus, Agrarromantik und Grosstadtfeindschaft (Meisenheim, 1970).Google Scholar

81. No. 6, p. 17.

82. On the connection between German students and National Socialism before 1933, see Faust. Also the rather superficial monograph by Bleuel, Hans Peter and Klinnert, Ernst, Deutsche Studenten auf dem Weg ins Dritte Reich. Ideologien—Programme—Aktionen 1918–1935 (Gütersloh, 1967).Google Scholar Scholarly, but restricted to the University of Freiburg: Kreutzberger, Wolfgang, Studenten und Politik 1918–1933. Der Fall Freiburg im Breisgau (Göttingen, 1972).CrossRefGoogle Scholar See also the excellent, if cursory, treatment in English by Zorn, Wolfgang, “Student Politics in the Weimar Republic,” Journal of Contemporary History, v (1970), esp. 136–37.Google Scholar Regarding female students, see Kater, , “Krisis des Frauenstudiums in der Weimarer Republik,” Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial-und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, LIX (1972), no. 2, 247–55.Google Scholar

83. From among a wealth of sources, see a document alluding to the alleged responsibility of Jews for the academic job shortage. A handbill printed by the Nazi Student League (NSDStB) in 1932 referred to a Jewish percentage of 10 to 20 within the professions as a whole (law, medicine, higher teaching, etc.) in the Reich (“Der Fall Cohn,” n.d. [1932], ARW, RSF II * 128).

84. Example: Die Bewegung, Munich, May 6, 1930.

85. See Reichsbote, Berlin, Nov. 13, 1929; Berliner Tageblatt, Berlin, Nov. 12, 1930; Die Münchener Universitätskrawalle [by Hans Nawiasky] (Munich, 1931);Google ScholarScheel, Gustav Adolf, “Heidelbergs Studenten im Kampf um die Erneuerung der Hochschule,” Der deutsche Student (1936), pp. 292–95.Google Scholar

86. See Mosse, George L., “Die deutsche Rechte und die Juden,” in Mosse, Werner E., ed., Entscheidungsjahr 1932. Zur Judenfrage in der Endphase der Weimarer Republik, 2nd ed. (Tübingen, 1966), p. 195;Google Scholar “Der 12. Deutsche Studententag in Hannover,” Akademischer Beobachter (July/Aug. 1929), p. 143. Also see “Friction in the Prussian Universities,” London Times, Apr. 26, 1933.

87. In 1933, a united Nazi student leadership did not yet exist. There was the traditional German Student Body (Deutsche Studentenschaft– DSt), which had been founded in the Weimar Republic, the Reichsschaft der Studierenden, and the Nazi Student League (Nationalsozialistischer Deutscher Studentenbund – NSDStB). After 1933, DSt and NSDStB vied for control of all students in the Reich until, in April of 1936, Dr. Gustav Adolf Scheel became Reichsstudentenführer and subsequently consolidated the various agencies under his central leadership. Students of vocational institutes who before 1936 had been organized in the Deutsche Fachschulschaft and NSDStB were also integrated within the new Reichsstudentenfuhrung. See list of decrees (1936) published in “Verordnungsblatt des Reichsstudentenfuhrers, Nr. 1,” Munich, Dec. 16, 1936, p. 44, Institut für Zeitgeschichte, Munich, Db. 48.15.

88. Hartshorne, pp. 83–85; Bracher, Karl Dietrich, “Die Gleichschaltung der deutschen Universität,” in Universitätstage 1966. Nationalsozialismus und die deutsche Universität (Berlin, 1966), p. 138;Google Scholarvon Olenhusen, Albrecht Götz, “Die ‘nichtarischen’ Studenten an den deutschen Hochschulen. Zur nationalsozialistischen Rassenpolitik 1933–1945,” Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, XIV (1966), no. 2, 176–92.Google Scholar

89. These and other Nazi leaders are cited in at least four of the entries (see fn. 62, topics 2, 3, 5, 19).

90. See nos. 2, 3, 6, 8, 13, 22, 23.

91. No. 2, p. 186.

92. No. 3, pp. 12–13.

93. ibid., pp. 13–14.

94. No. 2, p. 188.

95. Nos. 1, 3, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 14, 16, 20.

96. No. 7.

97. No. 14, p. 20. Another argument based on cowardice is made in no.1.

98. No. 14, p. 20.

99. No. 16, p. 7.

100. No. 9, p. 4.

101. No. 10, p. 7.

102. Assertion made by Dr. W. Jahn, team leader of no. 11, p. 21.

103. No. 13, p. 3.

104. Point 18 of party program in Feder, p. 19; Rosenberg, Alfred, Wesen, Grundsätze und Ziele der Nationalsozialistischen Deutschen Arbeiterpartei (Munich, 1934), p. 37.Google Scholar

105. No. 13, p. 2.

106. Von Leers to Beer, Berlin, June 8, 1936, ARW, RSF III * A-2, 3.11. Leers' most important publication is Deutschlands Stellung in der Welt (Leipzig, n.d.).Google Scholar

107. See only Tauber, Kurt P., Beyond Eagle and Swastika. German Nationalism since 1945, 2 vols. (Middletown, Conn., 1967), passim.Google Scholar

108. Oberländer to Amt Reichsleistungskampf, Königsberg, June 15, 1936, ARW, RSF III * A-2, 3.11.

109. Conti to Reichsführung, Deutsche Studentenschaft, Berlin, June 22, 1936, ARW. RSF III * A-2, 3. 11.

110. Correspondence in ARW, RSF III * A-2, 3.11; 3.12.

111. There is plenty of evidence for this in the records. One telling example: During the first university-wide contest, a historical treatise entitled “The General World Situation and the Events of the Tyrolian Rebellion of 1909” was rated “good,” as it was considered valuable for ideological schooling purposes. See “Aufstellung über brauchbare Arbeiten aus dem 1. Reichsberufswettkampf,” n.d., ARW, RSF III * A-2. 2. 41.

112. Rechenschaftsbericht über die Arbeit des Reichsstudentenführers SS-Oberführer Pg. Dr. Scheel im November 1936 gegeben auf dem 1. Deutschen Studententag Grossdeutschlands in Heidelberg Juni 1938 durch den Stabsführer der Reichsstudentenführung SA-Obersturmbannführer Pg. Ernst Horn (n.p., n.d.) (available at ARW, RSF III* A-4, 1.13), p. 20.

113. In a series entitled “Militant Scholarship.” Some of the titles: “The Alemannic Tribes”; “Germanic Folkish Heritage in the Alemannic Village of Wintersweiler” (same as topic no. 21 in fn. 62, above); “Peasant and Artisan in German Prehistoric Times.” See Germanien (Dec. 1939), no. 12, 511.

114. W. Eggerer to Reichsstudentenführung, Munich, Jan. 25, 1937, ARW, RSF III* A-2, 2.41.

115. Reichsstudentenführung to Willige, Feb. 16, 1937, ARW, RSF III * A-2, 2.41.

116. Engel, , “Die Ergebnisse des 3. Reichsberufswettkampfes der Studenten,” Das Junge Deutschland, Sept. 1, 1938, pp. 445–46.Google Scholar

117. Riemer, G., “Der Reichsleistungskampf der Studenten,” Zeitschrift des Vereines deutscher Ingenieure, LXXX (1936), B496;Google ScholarDiepschlag, Ernst, “Studentische Gemeinschaftsarbeit im Rahmen des Reichsleistungskampfes,” Stahl und Eisen, May 14, 1936, pp. 574–75.Google Scholar

118. See Reichsberufswettkampfleiter to Kubach, Berlin, June 21, 1938, ARW, RSF III * A-0, 6.2.

119 Der Oberschlesische Wanderer, Gleiwitz, Apr. 25, 1939.

120. Ibid. See also Bürgermeister Schauter to Reichsstudentenführung, Peiskretscham, Mar. 31, 1939, ARW, RSF III * A-0, 6.1.

121. ARW, RSF III * A-0, 6.1.

122. See Kubach, , Studenten bauen auf! Der 2. Reichsberufswettkampf der deutschen Studenten 1936/37. Ein Rechenschaftsbericht (Berlin, n.d.), p. 32.Google Scholar

123. “Auswertbarkeit der Reichsberufswettkampfarbeiten des 4. RBWK. ddSt.,” n.d., ARW, RSF III*A-0, 6.1.

124. This wording is an exact translation of the phrase used in both documents—see fnn. 122, 123.

125. Calculations were possible merely on the basis of statistics provided for Universitäten and degree-granting Hochschulen, in Statistisches Jahrbuch für das Dritte Reich, ed. Reichsamt, Statistisches, LVI (Berlin, 1937), 580, and graph “Teilnehmerzahlen,” in memorandum dated Berlin, Jan. 17, 1938 (the values in the graph are corroborated by Axmann, in RBWK, p. 364).Google Scholar In this case, we had to include students of Pädagogische Hochschulen undergoing primary teachers' training among degree students because they had obviously been considered by both Jahrbuch and graph. Concerning the Fachschulen, see Six, pp. 163–68, and below, pp. 249–50. The figures provided by contest administrators for the 1935/36 event (30%, mentioned by Reichsberufswettkampf… 1936–1937, p. 41; 35%, mentioned by Der 3. Reichsberufswettkampf der deutschen Studenten, ed. Reichstudentenführung, Reichswettkampfleitung [Munich, n.d.], p. 25) may have been arrived at after a count of student totals at both types of institution. They once again seem to indicate the preponderance of Fachschüler in the RBWK.

126. Such was the observation by University of Munich authorities as early as summer 1934. See Roegele, pp. 162–63.

127. See Kaufmann, RBWK, p. 20; Axmann, Olympia, p. 10; Die Bewegung, Munich, May 9, 1939.

128. Bleuel and Klinnert; Faust; Kater, , “Der NS-Studentenbund von 1926 bis 1928: Randgruppe zwischen Hitler und Strasser,” Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, XXII (04 1974), no. 2, 149190.Google Scholar

129. Even though much research is yet to be done concerning the role of students of higher learning in the Third Reich, the already existing evidence is overwhelmingly in favor of this view. See Bracher; Roegele, p. 169; Hans Maier, “Nationalsozialistiche Hochschulpolitik,” in Kuhn, pp. 76–79; Hartshorne, passim.

130. Schoenbaum, p. 68.

131. List of party affiliation, n.d., ARW, RSF III * A-0, 6.1.

132. Even if there were occasional stirrings of resentment, presumably against the omnipresence of Nazi bureaucracy on the campuses, particularly on the part of freshmen and sophomores, at some universities. See the revealing report, “Meldungen aus dem Reich, ” SS-Amt III, Berlin, Jan. 5, 1940, Institut für Zeitgeschichte, Munich, MA 261, frame numbers 6229524-28. On the exceptional incident of outright rebellion, 1943, see Petry, Christian, Studenten aufs Schafott. Die Weisse Rose und ihr Scheitern (Munich, 1968), for Munich.Google Scholar For Hamburg, see Hochmuth, Ursel, Candidates of Humanity. Dokumentation zur Hamburger Weissen Rose anlässlich des 50. Geburtstages von Hans Leipelt (Hamburg, 1971).Google Scholar Also see the interesting report by Munich's Rektor Wüst to Mentzel, Munich, Feb. 23, 1943, Bundesarchiv, Koblenz, R 21/922.

133. Roegele, pp. 169–72; Joseph Pascher, “Das Dritte Reich, erlebt an drei deutschen Universitäten,” in Kuhn, pp. 66–68. Lothar Krappmann seems to suggest that at the University of Munich, party membership among the student body had dropped to 15% toward the close of the war (“Die Studentenschaft in der Auseinandersetzung um die Universität im Dritten Reich,” Universitätstage, p. 157). On students' attitude after Stalingrad, also consult Samuel, R. H. and Thomas, R. Hinton, Education and Society in Modern Germany (Westport, 1972), p. 134.Google Scholar

134. Werner, J., “Zur Lage der Geisteswissenschaften in Hitler-Deutschland,” Schweizerische Hochschulzeitung, XIX (1945/1946), 79.Google Scholar

135. See: Herrigel, Hermann, Das neue Denken (Berlin, 1928), pp. 106–14;Google ScholarSpranger, Eduard, Psychologie des Jugendalters, 11th ed. (Leipzig, 1929);Google ScholarNipperdey, Thomas, “Die deutsche Studentenschaft in den ersten Jahren der Weimarer Republik,” in Grimme, Adolf ed., Kulturverwaltung der zwanziger Jahre. Alte Dokumente und neue Beiträge (Stuttgart, 1961,) pp. 2932.Google Scholar

136. See the revealing slate of course offerings at the University of Berlin, 1941, in Mosse, Culture, pp. 312–14. Also Hartshorne, pp. 119–25. There are periodic reports by the SS security service about the general lessening of teaching and examination standards at universities due to a decrease of student preparation and general knowledge, especially among recent Gymnasium graduates. See microfilm collection, “Meldungen aus dem Reich,” Institut für Zeitgeschichte, Munich.

137. Ours is a translation of Ritter's original phrase: “Hunger der Jugend nach unverfälschter wissenschaftlicher Kost.” See “Der deutsche Professor im Dritten Reich,” Die Gegenwart (Dec. 24, 1945), p. 24. On the same note, Werner, Karl Ferdinand, Das NS-Geschichtsbild und die deutsche Geschichtswissenschaft (Stuttgart, 1967), pp. 4653;Google Scholar Roegele, pp. 167–68.

138. For the period before 1933, see Heuss, Theodor, Hitlers Weg. Eine Schrift aus dem Jahre 1932, ed. Jäckel, Eberhard (Tübingen, 1968), pp. 156–60;Google ScholarMierendorff, Carl[o], “Gesicht und Charakter der nationalsozialistischen Bewegung,” Die Gesellschaft, XXX (1930), vol. 1, 497–98;Google ScholarFischer, Josepha, “Die nationalsozialistische Bewegung in der Jugend,” Das Junge Deutschland, XXIV (08 1930), no. 8, 343–52.Google Scholar To prove the accent on youth after the Machtergreifung, one need only turn to Schirach's writings, such as Die Hitler-Jugend. Idee und Gestalt (Berlin, 1934)Google Scholar and Revolution der Erziehung. Reden aus den Jahren des Aufbaus (Munich, 1938).Google Scholar See also Ley, “In der Arbeitsjugend liegt Deutschlands Zukunft!” in Durchbruch, pp. 75–77; section “Hitler-Jugend,” in Führer durch die Ausstellung Nordbayerische Kultur-und Wirtschaftsschau in Bamberg vom 7. bis 17. Juli 1939 im Hain (Berlin, n.d.), p. 16. The propaganda emphasis of RBWK on the youth factor is discernible from: Ley, Soldaten, pp. 209–11;Google Scholar Axmann, RBWK, p. 75, also pp. 28–29; further: Kaufmann, RBWK, pp. 8–9, 67–68. Also Gelsenkirchener Zeitung, Gelsenkirchen, Jan. 29, 1936.

139. Despite the circumstance that because of a process of natural decrease of university enrolment in 1931/32, which was later forcefully aided by the Nazis through legislation (see Luetkens, Charlotte, “Enrolments at German Universities since 1933, ” The Sociological Review, XXXI [1939], 194209;CrossRefGoogle ScholarQuetsch, Cäcilie, Die zahlenmässige Entwicklung des Hochschulbesuches in den letzten fünfzig Jahren [Berlin, 1960]; Hartshorne, pp. 72–80), the search for well-paying academic jobs after graduation was more easily facilitated.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

140. In 1935/36, RBWK participation at München-Pasing Hans-Schemm-Hochschule für Lehrerbildung reached 66.2% of total student enrolment (42.5% at Pädagogisches Institut Dresden). At the University of Munich, the rate of participation was only 2.1% (Technische Hochschule Dresden: 2.2%). See Six, pp. 163–68.

141. Since 1923, at least. See Kater, , “Zur Soziographie der frühen NSDAP,” Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, XIX (1971), no. 2, 153;Google ScholarLepsius, M. Rainer, Extremer Nationallismus. Strukturbedingungen vor der nationalsozialistischen Machtergreifung (Stuttgart, 1966), pp. 916;Google Scholar Winkler, pp. 157–82. Both Lepsius and Winkler are using the term Mittelstand in the sense of lower middle class.

142. See Hochschulstatistik, V (Sommerhalbjahr 1930), *65–*70, and the revealing table in Tietgens, Wilhelm, “Der akademische Nachwuchs der Beamtenschaft als gesellschaftliches Problem,” Der Beamte, III (1931), 189.Google Scholar

143. Unfortunately, the social background of students of higher learning is not readily discernible from the Hochschulstatistiken of the Third Reich available to us. On this extremely complex subject, which demands studies in greater depth, we were merely able to prepare a sample with the aid of figures taken from Hochschulstatistik, XI (Sommerhalbjahr 1933), 52, 54, 57, before governmental admissions regulations went into effect. As a discipline characteristic for universities, we chose medicine, as one for Technische Hochschulen mechanical engineering, as one for vocational institutes or technical colleges (Akademien and Polytechnika), pedagogy for primary school instruction. We ascertained that the percentage of upper-middle-class students enrolled in medicine was 44.8, that of lower-middle-class students 42.5. The corresponding figures for mechanical engineering were 46.7% and 41.6%, for pedagogy 11.5% and 62.6%. Among the upper middle class we counted: higher bureaucrats (among these: clergy, judges, physicians, high school teachers); academically trained professionals (including lawyers, physicians, pharmacists); army officers and higher military officials; owners of estates, factories, wholesale businesses, and banks, as well as transport services; directors and managers of companies, including those with university education. Lower middle class: intermediate and lower bureaucrats (including sub-high-school-level teachers); self-employed people without university education; farmers; white-collar employees; independent tradesmen. Concerning a rationale for this division, consult Hochschulstatistik, V (Sommerhalbjahr 1930), *62. Also see fn. 125.

144. Bracher, p. 133. More on the Nazi distrust of German professors in Ringer, Fritz K., The Decline of the German Mandarins. The German Academic Community, 1890–1933 (Cambridge, Mass., 1969), p. 442.Google Scholar

145. Waldemar Müller, “Volksdeutsche Arbeit und gesamtdeutsche Schau,” Der deutsche Student (1935), p. 651.

146. Ziegler and Feickert, “Aufruf! Studenten und Reichsberufswettkampf,” Berlin, Jan. 24, (1935), ARW, RSF III * A-1, 1.11. See also “Erfahrungen und Anregungen aus dem Reichsberufswettkampf 1935 der deutschen Fachschulstudenten,” n.d., ARW, RSF III *A-1, 2.2 (1).

147. “Rundschreiben Nr. 4,” Berlin, Aug. 28, 1935, ARW, RSF III* A-0, 1.22. See also Kubach, , “Studenten, in Front!” Deutsche Mathematik, I (01 1936), no. 1, 6; Engel, “RBWK,” p. 177.Google Scholar

148. The cosmic-organic world view is most aptly expressed in O. Dietrich's statement: “The universalistic, community-conscious pattern of thought must replace the individualistic one, the mechanical world view must give way to the universalistic or, if you will, the organic one” (p. 17). For a reflection of this in RBWK thinking, see Engel, , “Deutsche Studenten im Reichsberufswettkampf,” Die Bewegung, Munich, 05 9, 1939.Google Scholar Also “Rundschreiben Nr. 14,” Berlin, Nov. 1, 1935, ARW, RSF III * A-0, 1.22.

149. “Der Reichsleistungskampf der Reichsschaft der Studierenden. Vom Sinn des Gruppenkampfes,” n.d., ARW, RSF III* A-1, 1.14. Also see Six, p. xi; Westdeutsche Akademische Rundschau, Marburg, 08 14, 1936; Gelsenkirchener Zeitung, Gelsenkirchen, Jan. 29, 1936; Kubach, “RBWK” p. 118.Google Scholar

150. “Der Reichsleistungskampf der Reichsschaft der Studierenden. Vom Sinn des Gruppenkampfes,” n.d., ARW, RSF III* A-1, 1.14.

151. Six, p. xvi.

152. In a speech held at Heidelberg in January of 1938, partially quoted in Frank, p. 20.

153. “Wissenschaft.”

154. See Jaspers, Karl, Die Antwort an Sigrid Undset (Konstanz, 1947);Google ScholarRothfels, Hans, “Die Geschichtswissenschaft in den dreissiger Jahren,” in Flitner, Andreas, ed., Deutsches Geistesleben und Nationalsozialismus. Eine Vortragsreihe der Universität Tübingen (Tübingen, 1965), pp. 90107;Google Scholar Ritter; J. Werner; K. F. Werner, pp. 41–69; Wolfgang Kunkel, “Der Professor im Dritten Reich,” in Kuhn, pp. 121–26.

155. One of these—admittedly few—individuals was the Munich classical philologist Professor Franz Dirlmeier, now in Heidelberg. On this aspect, consult J. Werner, pp. 73–78, and Kater, , Das “Ahnenerbe” der SS 1935–1945. Ein Beitrag zur Kulturpolitik des Dritten Reiches (Stuttgart, 1974).Google Scholar

156. Bracher, , The German Dictatorship. The Origins, Structure, and Effects of National Socialism (New York and Washington, 1970), p. 266.Google Scholar

157. This is the contention of Bracher's essays in Universitätstage, pp. 126–42, and Dictatorship, pp. 266–72.

158. “Erfahrungen und Anregungen aus dem Reichsberufswettkampf 1935 der deutschen Fachschulstudenten,” ARW, RSF III * A-1, 2.1(1); remark by Horst H., in “Nachrichtendienst,” Berlin, May 22, 1936, ARW, RSF III * A-0, 4.1(2); “Entwurf,” n.d. [Oct. 1938], ARW, RSF III * A-3, 1.94.

159. Gelsenkirchen, Jan. 29, 1936.

160. We refer specifically to Weinreich, Max, Hitler's Professors. The Part of Scholarship in Germany's Crimes against the Jewish People (New York, 1946), a dated source, but still useful for introductory purposes, and Mosse's excellent anthology, Culture.Google Scholar

161. We are referring to a list of members for “Reichsausschuss,” n.d., ARW, RSF III * A-1, 1.33, and other correspondence.

162. Die Musik im Dritten Reich. Kulturpolitische Reden und Aufsätze, I, 16th–20th ed. (Regensburg, 1935).Google Scholar

163. On Höfler, see Kater, “Ahnenerbe,” pp. 83, 138. On Höhn, Aronson, Shlomo, Reinhard Heydrich und die Frühgeschichte von Gestapo und SD (Stuttgart, 1971), p. 212.Google Scholar

164. “Reichsleistungskampf. Mathematik,” n.d., ARW, RSF III * A-2, 1.32.

165. Correspondence of June 1938, ARW, RSF III * A-2, 3.11.

166. The data, taken from Six (pp.26–161), shows a percentage of 10.6 for private individuals (some of whom represented private industry) and 1.6 for unknown. In the case of double or triple functions, only the first function (i.e., title indicated) was counted. It should be emphasized here that, while this statistic establishes the complicity of German professors in RBWK, it indicates nothing concerning the rate of faculty within any given college or university that collaborated in RBWK administration or, for that matter, other fields of NSDAP activity. This question is yet to be solved by further qualitative and quantitative analysis.

167. Cf. J. Werner, p.72; Pascher, pp. 54–55.

168. The ratio of (nonretired) professors and junior faculty in the Hochschulen of the Reich for 1935/36 appears to have been about 62% for the former and 38% for the latter. These figures can be assumed after exact percentage counts for the years 1931 (61.1%; 38.9%) and 1938 (62.1%; 37.9%), according to the values in von Ferber, Christian, Die Entwicklung des Lehrkörpers der deutschen Universitäten und Hochschulen 1864–1954 (Göttingen, 1956), p. 210.Google Scholar Among professors we counted those mentioned in Ferber's rubrics 2-5, among junior academic staff those in rubrics 6, 7, and 9. The values in rubric 8 (“Honorarprofessoren und Gastdozenten”) were equally apportioned. We considered instructors in all subjects taught at degree-granting institutions (for a detailed listing, see ibid., pp. 210–22).

169. Schmitt's function as juror is mentioned in Six, p. 129.

170. See only Bracher, Dictatorship, pp. 144, 232, 241, 252, 268; Mosse, Culture, pp. 319–20, 323–26.

171. Traut to Reichsstudentenführung, Stuttgart, Mar. 22, 1939, ARW, RSF III * A-4, 1.83.

172. Hartshorne, p. 123.

173. RBWK, p. 366.

174. Sept. 1, 1938, p. 444. Compare this with “Schon die Themenstellung…,” n.d., ARW, RSF III * A-1.14.

175. “Der Reichsleistungskampf,” n.d., ARW, RSF III * A-1, 1.14; W. Burkart to Abt. RBWK, Wuppertal-Barmen, Dec. 30, 1936, ARW, RSF III * A-2, 2.41.

176. See Der 3. Reichsberufswettkampf, p. 10.

177. “Schon die Themenstellung…” n.d., ARW, RSF III * A-1, 1.14.

178. See “Mitarbeit von Dozenten …,” n.d., ARW, RSF III * A-5, 7.14.

179. See “Rundschreiben Nr. 14h,” Berlin, Mar. 9, 1937, ARW, RSF III * A-0, 1.26.

180. “RBWK”, p. 179.

181. Note, however, his characteristic diatribes against professors (“academic obscurantists”), Der Mythus des 20. Jahrhunderts. Eine Wertung der seelisch-geistigen Gestaltenkämpfe unserer Zeit, 41st–42nd ed. (Munich, 1934), p. 119.Google Scholar

182. Details in: Alfred Baeumler, “Grundlinien des Aufbaus der Hohen Schule,” n.d., N[ational] A[rchives], W[ashington], T-454, roll 73, frame numbers 725-733; “Idee und Aufgabe der Hohen Schule” (Entwurf Wagner) (summer 1942), NAW, T-454, roll 73, frame numbers 734-742; Kater, “Ahnenerbe”, pp. 142–43, 276–79, 282, 295, 299. See also Rosenberg, , “Die Hohe Schule am Chiemsee,” Die Kunst im Dritten Reich, III (1939), 1719,Google Scholar and Rosenberg, , Letzte Aufzeichnungen (Göttingen, 1955), pp. 337–38.Google Scholar

183. See only Bracher, “Gleichschaltung,” pp. 132–33.

184. In early 1928, Rosenberg had had an active hand in replacing the founder of the Nazi Student League, Wilhelm Tempel, with Baldur von Schirach as the new leader. On that, see Kater, “NS-Studentenbund,” pp. 185–86. Since then, he had never stopped meddling in the affairs of the Nazi students. See Bollmus, Reinhard, Das Amt Rosenberg und seine Gegner. Studien zum Machtkampf im nationalsozialistischen Herrschaftssystem (Stuttgart, 1970), pp. 4556.Google Scholar

185. See the official correspondence in ARW, RSF III * A-1 (1.12; 1.13; 1.14; 1.32; 1.33).

186. See Seeberg to Reichsleistungskampf, Berlin, June 30, 1936, ARW, RSF III * A-2, 3.12; Naumburger Tageblatt, Naumburg, Nov. 4, 1937; invitation, Rosenberg to Kubach, “Im Auftrage des Führers…,” for Sept. 7, 1937, also program, “Verkündung des 4. Reichsberufswettkampfes der deutschen Studenten,” Kubach Papers, LCW, MD, Acc. 11,280, Box 793; Volk im Werden, VI (1938), 39, 341; Wendorff to Kubach, May 9, 1938, ARW, RSF III * A-3, 1.94;Google ScholarKubach, , Studenten bauen auf! Der 4. Reichsberufswettkampf der deutschen Studenten 1938/39. Ein Rechenschaftsbericht (Munich, n.d.), p. 35; Rechenschaftsbericht, p. 21;Google ScholarKresse, , “Der studentische Reichsberufswettkampf,” Der Altherrenbund, I (03 1939), no. 9, 242;Google Scholar Härtle to Aussenpolitisches Amt [Rosenberg], Berlin, June 29, 1939, Amt Osten [Rosenberg] to Härtle, Berlin, Aug. 1, 1939, Institut für Zeitgeschichte, Munich, MA 128/4; Schrickel, E., “Studenten bauen auf,” Zahnärztliche Mitteilungen, Berlin, 06 2, 1940, p. 229; “Bilder und Bauen,” n.d., “Verschiedene Fragen,” n.d., ARW, RSF III * A-5, 7.14.Google Scholar

187. Background and essence of Reinerth's power under Rosenberg's patronage are treated in detail in Bollmus, pp. 153–223.

188. ibid., p. 68.

189. Reichsleistungskampf, p. 3. Also “Aufstellung der Leiter und Geschäftsführer der einzelnen Sparten des Reichsleistungskampfes 35/36,” n.d., ARW, RSF III * A-1, 1.14. See also “Rundschreiben W 1/1935/36,” Berlin, Nov. 1, 1935, ARW, RSF III * A-0, 1.22.

190. Bollmus, pp. 174, 308. See also correspondence regarding Radig in NAW, T-580, 126/40.

191. “Rundschreiben W 1 /1935/36,” Berlin, Nov. 1, 1935, ARW, RSF III * A-0, 1.22.

192. ibid.; “Die Bewertung,” n.d., ARW, RSF III * A-1, 1.14.

193. Fachabteilungsleiter, DSt., Rfg., to Riemer, Berlin, Feb. 20, 1936, ARW, RSF III * A-1, 1.33. Also Bollmus, pp. 174, 308–9.

194. This conflict at Reich level has been aptly treated by Bollmus, pp. 154–72.

195. ibid., p. 174.

196. Hallische Nachrichten, Halle, Jan. 14, 1936. See also “Rundschreiben W 1/1935/ 36,” Berlin, Nov. 1, 1935, ARW, RSF III * A-0, 1.22.

197. See Kossinna, , Die Herkunft der Germanen. Zur Methode der Siedlungsarchaeologie (Würzburg, 1911);Google ScholarDie deutsche Vorgeschichte eine hervorragend nationale Wissenschaft (Würzburg, 1912), esp. pp. 6882.Google Scholar Objective criticism of Kossinna's methodology in Eggers, Hans Jürgen, Einführung in die Vorgeschichte (Munich, 1959), pp. 199292.Google Scholar

198. “Reichskampf vom 22. bis zum 30. April 1936 in Königsberg,” Kubach Papers, LCW, MD, Acc. 11, 280, Box 793.

199. Benecke, Joachim, “Die germanischen Grundlagen des deutschen Volkstums. Vorgeschichtliche Arbeiten im Reichsleistungskampf der Deutschen Studentenschaft,” Germanen-Erbe, I (06 1936), no. 2, 56.Google Scholar

200. Cf. Bollmus, passim; Kater, “Ahnenerbe”, passim.

201. See correspondence in ARW, RSF III * A-5.

202. Cf. Beck to Hopp, Dec. 1, 1940, Leiter Amt W & F to G. Meyer, Sept. 8, 1941, ARW, RSF III * A-5, 1.1; Beck to Baur, Jan. 10, 1941, ARW, RSF III * A-5, 3.3.

203. Dissen to Beck, Würzburg, Nov. 15, 1940, Pfitzer to Reichsstudentenführer, Berlin, Nov. 19, 1940, ARW, RSF III * A-5, 1.1; Beck to Baur, Jan. 10, 1941, ARW, RSF III * A-5, 3.3.