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3. Major works on the church history of the Grisons include Mayer, Johann Georg, Geschichte des Bistums Chur, 2 vols. (Stans, 1907–1914)Google Scholar; Camenisch, Emil, Bündnerische Reformationsgeschichte (Chur, 1920)Google Scholar; Truog, Jakob Rudolf, Aus der Geschichte der evangelisch-rätischen Synode, 1537–1937 (Chur, 1937)Google Scholar; Clavadetscher, Otto P. and Kundert, Werner, “Das Bistum Chur,” in Helvetia Sacra, section 1, vol. 1 (Bern, 1972), 449–619Google Scholar; statistical material on parishes is derived from Simonet, Johann Jakob, “Die katholischen Weltgeistlichen Graubündens mit Ausschluss der ennetbirgischen Kapitel Puschlav und Misox-Calanca,” Jahresbericht der Historisch-antiquarischen Gesellschaft von Graubünden 49 (1919): 107–222, 50 (1920): 1–98, 51 (1921): 87–156Google Scholar; idem, , “II Clero secolare di Calanca e Mesolcina,” Quaderni grigionitaliani 2 (1932): 102–11, 158–67, 239–49, 3 (1933): 30–42, 109–13Google Scholar; Truog, Jakob Rudolf, “Die Pfarrer der evangelischen Gemeinden in Graubünden und seinen ehemaligen Untertanenlanden,” Jahresbericht der Historisch-antiquarischen Gesellschaft von Graubünden 64 (1934): 1–96, 65 (1935): 97–298, 75 (1945): 113–47Google Scholar; Willi, Christoph, Die Kapuziner-Mission im romanischen Teil Graubündens mit Einschluss des Puschlav (Brienz, GR, 1960).Google Scholar

4. Reinhard, Wolfgang, “Zwang zur Konfessionalisierung? Prolegomena zu einer Theorie des konfessionellen Zeitalters,” Zeitschrift für Historische Forschung 10 (1983): 257–77Google Scholar, here 268–77, has developed a notion of confessionalization that places great weight on church-state interactions. For the events during the 1520s see Vasella, Oskar, Geistliche und Bauern (Chur, 1996), 122–561Google Scholar (reprint of several articles originally published in the 1940s); Head, Randolph C., Early Modern Democracy in the Grisons: Social Order, Politics and Political Language in a Swiss Mountain Canton, 1470–1620 (Cambridge, 1995), 65–72, 118–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar; for the general context of the peasant movement of 1525, see Blickle, Peter, “Alpenländer,” in Der deutsche Bauernkrieg, ed. Buszello, Horst, Blickle, Peter, and Endres, Rudolf (Paderborn, 1991, 2d. ed.), 191–214.Google Scholar

5. The following argument is inspired by the seminal studies by Thomas, Keith, Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century England (London, 1971)Google Scholar; Bossy, John, “The Counter-Reformation and the People of Catholic Europe,” Past and Present 47 (1970): 51–70.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

6. Mayer, Johann Georg, Das Konzil von Trient und die Gegenreformation in der Schweiz, vol. 2 (Stans, 1903), 2:17–18Google Scholar; Bücking, Jürgen, “Das Visitationsprotokoll über die Teilvisitation des Basler Klerus von 1586,” Archives de l'Eglise d'Alsace, n. s. 19 (1971): 127–209, here 14–16Google Scholar; Decreta et constitutiones 1605, BAC 5, fol. 5v. In the Grisons, notaries were particularly frequent among clergymen during the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries; see Vasella, , Geistliche und Bauern, 70–72Google Scholar; Pool, Georg, “Notare aus dem Engadin und dem Münstertal und ihre Notarzeichen,” Jahresbericht der Historisch-antiquarischen Gesellschaft von Graubünden 119 (1989): 161–309Google Scholar, here 167, 280 et passim.

7. Brescia, Clemente da, Istoria delle Missioni de’ frati minori capuccini della provincia di Brescia nella Rezia (Trento, 1702), 19.Google Scholar

8. Mayer, , Geschichte, 1:516–17Google Scholar; Vasella, Oskar, Abt Theodul Schlegel von Chur und seine Zeit, 1515–1529 (Freiburg, 1954), 38–41Google Scholar; Capaul, Giusep, Das Domkapitel von Chur 1541–1581 (Disentis, 1973), 33.Google Scholar

9. Reinhardt, Heinrich and Steffens, Franz, Die Nuntiatur von Giovanni Francesco Bonhomini 1579–1581, Documents, 3 vols. (Solothurn, 1906–1917, Freiburg/Switzerland, 1929), 1:205–6Google Scholar, no. 168, 25 November 1578, 215, no. 173, 2 December 1578, 2:527–28, no. 970, 30 November 1580; Constitutiones seu decreta [1581?] (the letter by the nuncio of 30 November 1580, suggests that these undated decrees by the general vicar were issued at the former's request), BAC 5, §§ 5, 8, 25–28 and conclusion; Capaul, , Domkapitel, 42–43, 47–60.Google Scholar

10. Decreta et constitutiones 1605, BAC 5, fol. 4v–7r, 8r–9r; for the context, see Mayer, , Geschichte, 2:236, 377–80.Google Scholar

11. Weber, Max, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (London, 1965)Google Scholar; Elias, Norbert, The Civilizing Process (Oxford, 1982).Google Scholar

12. Unpaginated recess of visitation, 9 February 1624, BAC 4, [p. 1]; visitation of Surselva, Lugnez and Oberhalbstein, 1643, BAC 262.8.

13. Bücking, Jürgen, Frühabsolutismus und Kirchenreform in Tirol (1565–1665): Ein Beitrag zum Ringen zwischen “Staat” und “Kirche” in der frühen Neuzeit (Wiesbaden, 1972), 99, 186–87Google Scholar; D'Alessandri, Paulo, Atti di San Carlo riguardanti la Svizzera e i suoi territori: documenti raccolti dalle Visite Pastorali, dalla corrispondenza e dalle Testimonianze nei processi di Canonizzazione (Locarno, 1909), 344–45, 354–55, 420–22Google Scholar; Boldini, Rinaldo and Santi, Cesare, Quarto centenario della visita di San Carlo Borromeo nel Moesano (1583/1983) (Roveredo, 1983), 13–22.Google Scholar

14. The visitation of the Moesano in 1639 seems to have produced the record containing the most detailed information on persons with clerical functions (priests, but also midwives). However, only two parish priests are mentioned as being disciplined; visitation of Moesano, 1639, BAC 262.8, box 3, fol. 34r, 35r, 45v, 47v.—The first proceedings of the episcopal court against undisciplined clerics I have found are five cases in BAC Protocollum consistoriale: hauptsächlich Prozesse um Geistliche, 3 boxes, 1670 … 1681, 1679–1681, 1681 … 1724.—For material on censure in rural chapters see Capitulum Suprasilvanum, 7 June 1639 (first statutes), Constitutiones Venerabilis Capituli Supra Silvani Generalis (1659–1729) (copies of decrees from the chapter's lost protocols), particulary the decrees of 1670, both in BAC 262.46; Capitulum Infra- et Supramurensis, 17 June 1728 (copy of Statuta et Constitutiones from the chapter's lost protocols), BAC 262.46, particulary the decrees of 1654 and 1682; see also Maissen, Felici, Die Drei Bünde in der zweiten Hälfte des 17. Jahrhunderts in politischer, kirchengeschichtlicher und volkskundlicher Schau (Aarau, 1966), 294–97.Google Scholar

15. Later admonitions by church authorities: Decreta visitations apostolicae, 10 July 1724, BAC 4, § 9; Epistola pastorahs, 1761, BAC 5; see also “Unsere Geisthchkeit soil …,” 1779?, BAC 5.

16. Protocols of the synod, SKA B 7, pp. III–IX (1645), B 6, pp. III–XVII (1680), ch. 10.

17. On the suppression of Italian heterodoxy in the Grisons see Cantimori, Delio, Eretici italiani del Cinquecento: ricerche storiche (Florence, 1939), 296–99, 303–4, 307–18Google Scholar; on the dispute in the Engadine valley, the adoption of Calvinist orthodoxy and its reflection on church discipline see Pfister, Ulrich, “Reformierte Sittenzucht zwischen kommunaler und territorialer Organisation: Graubünden, 16.–18. Jahrhundert,” Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte 87 (1996): 287–333, here 295, 303Google Scholar. For measures by the lay authorities to enforce clerical discipline, see Jecklin, Fritz, ed., Materialien zur Standes- und Landesgeschichte gemeiner III Bünde (Graubünden) 1463–1803, (Basel, 1909), 2:414–15Google Scholar, no. 410,3 January 1572, 442, no. 431, 1573; for the context see Head, , Early Modern Democracy, 128–34.Google Scholar

18. Protocols of the synod, early June 1575 and 20 June 1584, SKA B 3, p. 7 and p. 75, respectively: Stephan Dominicus, convicted for drunkenness, “praesit suae ecclesiae non solum syncera doctrina, verum et bono ac integro vitae exemplo.”

19. The passage is based on the protocols of the synod, SKA B 3; for the regulations of Censure in the statutes of the synod of 1645 see SKA B 7, pp. III–IX, caput III.

20. Some characteristic entries: Protocols of the synod, mid-June 1580, SKA B 3, pp. 46–47: Johann Anton Cortesius is allowed to continue his trade if he hands over business operations to his son or a relative; 69, 30 May 1583: Balthasar Toutsch is to content himself with his parish and to stop practicing the medical art; p. 76, 20 June 1584: Melchior Saluz is reprimanded “ob lascivam & male actam vitam in ebriando, ludendo, aut etiam ferè scortando”; pp. 84, 15 June 1585: Wolfgang Episcopius is censured as a “pugnator, potator, lascivus & levis in imponendo puellis”; pp. 102, 104–5, beginning on 9 June 1590: upon request by the community of Malix [where a source of mineral water is located; U. P.] Johannes Rudolph may offer drink, food, and lodging to mothers in childbed, to sick persons and to pilgrims, but may not act as a public innkeeper, Gideon Saluz is reprimanded for using inappropriate and offensive words in his preachings, and his wife has a bad reputation; finally, Jacob Andretina is proscribed and handed over to the secular court for being a tradesman and for having abandoned his wife during pestilence; p. 114, synod beginning on 14 June 1592: no brother is allowed to request a higher interest rate than prescribed by the regional statutes; Simon Widmer purges himself of adultery.

21. For a general discussion of the exemplary functions of the conduct of Protestant pastors, see Gugerli, David, Zwischen Pfrund und Predict: Die protestantische Pfarrfamilie auf der Zürcher Landschaft im ausgehenden 18. Jahrhundert (Zürich, 1988), 9–15, 28–43Google Scholar; Schorn-Schütte, Luise, Evangelische Geistlichkeit in der Frühneuzeit: deren Anteil an der Entfaltung frühmoderner Staatlichkeit und Gesellschaft: Dargestellt am Beispiel des Fürstentums Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel, der Landgrafschaft Hessen-Kassel und der Stadt Braunschweig (Gütersloh, 1996), 357–71Google Scholar; on the (slow) evolution of discipline among reformed pastors in other Swiss cantons, see Pfister, Willy, Die Prädikanten des bernischen Aargaus im 16.–18. Jahrhundert 1528–1798 (Zürich, 1943)Google Scholar; Schär, Markus, Seelennöte der Untertanen: Selbstmord, Melancholie und Religion im Alten Zürich, 1500–1800 (Zürich, 1985), 167–73.Google Scholar

22. A good example is Jakob Winterli who applied for membership in 1590 but was only classified among the tolerated ministers. In 1591 he retained that status, but was admonished to heed drunkenness. In 1592 he was absent from the synod, but the dean received the commission to write him a letter exhorting him to correct his life. In 1593 he was proscribed (i.e., declared inept for the ministry), and in 1594 prosecution by lay authorities was invoked. However, Winterli was again examined by the synod in 1595 which was still not satisfied, classified him among the tolerated and announced that his behavior would be closely watched. While never excluded again, his case reappears several times until the end of the protocol in 1608, his main offenses being drunkenness, intrusion into other parishes, and infrequent presence at synodal meetings. Protocols of the synod, SKA B 3, use index in SKA B 14 to locate the 15 entries under his name!

23. Protocols of the synod, SKA B 6, use index in SKA B 14, p. 140–41 sub “Liederlichkeit” (19 references, mostly for the first three decades of the eighteenth century) to locate specific entries; see also Pfister, U., “Reformierte Sittenzucht,” 323.Google Scholar

24. Protocols of the synod, 27 June 1576, SKA B 3, p. 14; on alcohol consumption in relation to political networks see Pfister, Ulrich, “Politischer Klientelismus in der frühneuzeitlichen Schweiz,” Schweizerische Zeitschrift für Geschichte 42 (1992): 28–68, here 32.Google Scholar

25. Protocols of the synod, 17–20 [probably June], 1652, SKA B 7, pp. III–IX, caput X, § 1; B 5, p. 11: regional colloquia are to censure hair cuts at every meeting; 257, pp. 26–29 May 1665: repetition of the paragraph on dress in the synodal statutes of 1645 in slightly different words. During the following years these stipulations were reenacted four times under slightly different form (1666, 1668, 1675, 1677); however, I have never encountered a specific censure of an individual minister for his dress or hair. The term of “social death” is borrowed from Patterson, Orlando, Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study (Cambridge, Mass., 1982)Google Scholar; the final argument is inspired by Walz, Rainer, Hexenglaube und magische Kommunikation im Dorf der frühen Neuzeit: Die Verfolgungen in der Grafschaft Lippe (Paderborn, 1993), 56–57Google Scholar, who argues that, before the advent of confessional churches and modern statehood, conflicts within local European peasant society were solved within the framework of agonal communication that demanded conflict resolution in an immediate face-to-face context and did not provide for a relegation of issues to third parties. In this perspective, confessional religiosity represented by “socially dead” clerics could provide a code for a socially and temporally generalized pattern of conflict resolution.

26. Ordinationes et decreta of the visitation by Nuntius Giovanni della Torre, 1 March 1599, BAC 4, p. 10; Decreta et constitutiones, 1605, BAC 5, fol. 12r–16v; Mayer, , Ceschichte 2:194Google Scholar; Maissen, , Drei Bünde, 294–301.Google Scholar

27. ZBZ Asc Archiv B 14a, pp. 133–34; Mathieu, Jon, “Eine Region am Rand—das Unterengadin 1650–1800: Studien zur Gesellschaft” (Ph.D. diss., University of Bern, 1983), 503–9Google Scholar; Pfister, U., “Reformierte Sittenzucht,” 319–29.Google Scholar

28. Akten 16. Jh., 29 June 1584, SKA; a major breakthrough in the partial reestablishment of episcopal church authority was achieved with the Scappi articles in 1623; Dosch, Men, Der Lindauer Vertrag 1622 und die Gegenreformation in Graubünden: Zur Geschichte der Kirchenpolitik (Freiburg, Ilanz, 1970), 34–45, 74–78.Google Scholar

29. Baptism by lay persons was abolished following the disputation of Susch in 1537/38; see Camenisch, , Reformationsgeschichte, 81–93Google Scholar. For competition among ministers during the third quarter of the sixteenth century see Sprecher, Johann Andreas von, Kulturgeschichte der Drei Bünde im 18. Jahrhundert, ed. Jenny, Rudolf (Chur, 1976), 634–35Google Scholar. In 1575, the synod ordered all ministers to content themselves with one parish and started to take effective measures against multiple holders in 1581, protocols of the synod, early June 1575, SKA B 3, p. 8, and pp. 54–55, 18 June 1581; a characteristic example of an intruder on pp. 118, 121, 18 June 1593: Johann Gaudenz is excluded because of having evicted Niklaus Kessel from Celerina while holding office in Silvaplana; Kessel had received a salary of 92 fl., some land, firewood, and the right of pasture, whereas Gaudenz took the position for 50 fl. without firewood and pasture.

30. Visitation of Oberhalbstein, 1623, BAC 262.8, box 1, pp. 11a–12, Visitation of Moesano 1639; BAC 262.8, box 3, p. 12r.

31. Vasella, , Geistliche und Bauern, 416, 421–34, 449–59, 466–84Google Scholar; Constitutiones seu decreta, [1581?], BAC 5, § 33; Decreta et constitutiones 1605, BAC 5, fol. 30r/v; early examples of official approval of local prebendal contracts include visitation of Moesano 1633, BAC 262.8, box 1, pp. 131–32 (Verdabbio), pp. 141–42 (Lostallo), 149 (Buseno); the stipulations by the Reformed Synod of 1645 and 1680 in protocols of the synod, SKA B 6, pp. III–XVII, caput IV, §§ 7 and 8.

32. Visitations of Moesano 1784, Surselva 1787, BAC 262.8, box 14; visitation of Oberhalbstein 1788, BAC 262.8, box 15; evangelical session of the Diet, 7 March 1791, SKA D 7, appendix E; for comparisons, see Bernegg, Sprecher von, Kulturgeschichte, 343Google Scholar; Gugerli, , Zwischen Pfrund und Predigt, 97–105.Google Scholar

33. Bernegg, Sprecher von, Kulturgeschichte, 340–44Google Scholar; on side activities, see Mathieu, , Region am Rand, 490, 496–97Google Scholar; for the general argument see Gugerli, , Zwischen Pfrund und Predigt, 105–16, 285–86Google Scholar; Beck, Rainer, “Der Pfarrer und das Dorf: Konformismus und Eigensinn im katholischen Bayern des 17./18. Jahrhunderts,” in Armut, Liebe, Ehre, ed. Dülmen, Richard van (Frankfurt am Main, 1988), 107–43, here 117–24Google Scholar; Schorn-Schütte, Evangelische Geistlichkeit, ch. 4.

34. Bernegg, Sprecher von, Kulturgeschichte, 339–50, 633 (quotation on 346)Google Scholar; Wernle, Paul, Der schweizerische Protestantismus im 18.Jahrhundert, 3 vols. (Tübingen, 1923–1925), 2:518–27Google Scholar; Truog, Jakob Rudolf, “Der Bündner Prädikantenstreik von 1790,” Bündner Monatsblatt (1936): 353–80Google Scholar; Mathieu, , Region am Rand, 497–503.Google Scholar

35. For the context and much of the following material see Head, , Early Modern Democracy, ch. 6 and 223–45Google Scholar; idem, , “Rhaetian Ministers, from Shepherds to Citizens: Calvinism and Democracy in the Republic of the Three Leagues 1550–1620,” in Later Calvinism: International Perspectives, ed. Graham, W. Fred (Kirksville, Mo., 1994), 55–69Google Scholar; for the institutional development of church discipline on the parish level Pfister, U., “Reformierte Sittenzucht,” 295–307Google Scholar. Developments in Graubünden should be seen against the background of a general tendency of Protestant ministers actively to define their own legitimate status in early modern society; Vogler, Bernard, Le clergé protestant rhénan au siècle de la Réforme (1555–1619) (Paris, [1976])Google Scholar; Gugerli, Zwischen Pfrund und Predigt; Schorn-Schütte, , Evangelische Geistlichkeit, 24–42.Google Scholar

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39. Head, , “Rhaetian Ministers,” 55–56, 66Google Scholar; idem, , Early Modern Democracy, 244.Google Scholar

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42. Simonet, “Katholische Weltgeistliche,” part 1, 134, 146 (Baselgia), 183, 193 (Ardüser), other examples on 126, 131, 203–4, part 2, 31–32.

43. Müller, Iso, Die Abtei Disentis 1634–1655 (Freiburg/Switzerland, 1952), 221–23Google Scholar; idem, , Die Abtei Disentis, 1655–1696 (Freiburg/Switzerland 1955), chs. 1 and 5.Google Scholar

44. In 1648 Disentis chose a Capuchin rather than a nephew of a local magistrate, and the long dispute in Sumvitg was resolved by appointing a Capuchin (see previous footnote); Giovanni Antonio a Marca, Compendia storico della valle Mesolcina (Lugano, 1838, 2d ed.), 155Google Scholar: the parish of Grono, suffering under the conflict between two secular priests on behalf of the control of the prebend, obtained the installation of two Capuchins from the bishop in 1684; Simonet, “Katholische Weltgeistliche,” part 2, 32: Franz Damian Gallin was dismissed by the parish of Salouf in 1745, but forged a new election that confirmed him in office. The parish finally had him removed from office with the bishop's help in 1746 and thereafter preferred to appoint a Capuchin friar.

45. Frigg, Albert, Die Mission der Kapuziner in den rätoromanischen und italienischen Talschaften Rätiens im 17.Jahrhundert (Chur, 1953), 46–51, 58–59, 64–67, 79–94, 144–58, 175–96Google Scholar; Maissen, , Drei Bünde, ch. 2.Google Scholar

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50. Maissen, , Drei Bünde, 315, 318–19, 322, 330Google Scholar; the comparison between churches attended by Capuchins and by secular priests, respectively, rests on a statistical analysis of the visitations of Surselva, Lugnez and Oberhalbstein, 1643, BAC 262.8, whose details will be developed in another study.

51. Ibid., 322–23, 326.

52. Reinhard, “Zwang zur Konfessionalisierung; see also Hsia, R. Po-chia, Social Discipline in the Reformation: Central Europe 1550–1750 (London, 1989), esp. 3–5Google Scholar; Schmidt, Heinrich R., Konfessionalisierung im 16.Jahrhundert (Munich, 1992), 106–10.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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