The present article is a significantly revised version of a paper first read at the Central Renaissance Conference, Lawrence, Kansas, 3 April 1986, and later in July to Thomas A. Brady's Seminar in German Paleography at the Folger Shakespeare Library. I am grateful for the criticism from the seminar members and as always to my colleague Peter Kaufman. On the curious spelling of Ehe in the title see infra, n. 45.

1. Romani, Monarchiae S.Imperii sive Tractatuum … Tomus Tertius, ed. Goldast, Melchior (Frankfurt: Nicolaus Hoffmann, 1613)Google Scholar, “Dedicatio,” fols. 2^r, 3^r: “Nulla hodie quaestio est, … aut apud doctos homines agitatior, aut inter Summates orbis Christiani Principes controversior, atque haec ipsa de Monarchia, quam huiusce Tome praescriptio profitetur … [S]i Imperatores Romani non fuissent, nec Papa Romanus foret: si Papa Romanus non fuisset, Imperatores Romani adhuc florerent …”

2. Cf. Mattei, Rodolfo De, “Il mito della Monarchia Universale nel pensiero politico italiano del Seicento,” Rivista di studi politici internazionali 32 (1965): 531–50Google Scholar; idem, “Contenuto ed origini dell'ideale universalista nel seicento,“ Rivista internazionale di filosofia del diritto 10(1930): 391–401.Google Scholar

3. Cf. Schubert, Ernst. König und Reich: Studien zur spätmittelalterlichen deutschen Verfassungsgeschichte (Göttingen, 1979), 239–44, 355–56.Google Scholar

4. There is of course a considerable literature on this subject; for example, see my own “Gattinara, Erasmus, and the Imperial Configurations of Humanism,” Archiv für Reformations-geschichte 71 (1980): 64–98, esp. 82–83.Google Scholar

5. See Bosbach, Franz, “Die Habsburger und die Entstehung des Dreissigjährigen Krieges: Die ‘Monarchia Universalis,’” in Krieg und Politik, 1618–1648: Europäische Probleme und Perspektiven, ed. Repgen, Konrad (Munich, 1986), 151–68, esp. 159–61Google Scholar. I wish to thank the author for very kindly sending me proofs of his article.

6. Böttcher, Diethelm. “Propaganda und öffentliche Meinung im protestantischen Deutschland, 1628–1636,” in Der Dreissigjährige Krieg: Perspektiven und Strukturen, ed. Rudolf, Hans Ulrich (Darmstadt, 1977), 325–67, esp. 326–28.Google Scholar

7. Bodin, John, Method for the Easy Comprehension of History, trans. Reynolds, Beatrice (New York, 1945), 266, 292–93Google Scholar. Cf. also Schubert, Friednch Herman, Die deutschen Reichstage in der Staatslehre der frühen Neuzeit (Göttingen, 1966), 339–43; 360–82Google Scholar. “L'empire est un estat aristocratique” (362).

8. Rassow, Peter, Forschungen zur Reichs-Idee im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert (Cologne, 1955), 12–13.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

9. Perez, J. Beneyto, España y el problema de Europa (Madrid, 1942), 327–28.Google Scholar

10. Ibid., 346. Chiflet, J. F., Vindiciae hispanicae (Brussels, 1645), 346.Google Scholar

11. Baldini, A. Enzo, Puntigli spagnolischi e intrighi politici nella Roma di Clemente VIII: Girolamo Frachetta e la sua relazione del 1603 sui cardinali (Milan, 1981), 50, 98–99.Google Scholar

12. Boccalini, Traiano, The New-found Politicke [De'Ragguagli di Parnaso, Venezia, 1612] (London, 1626), 70.Google Scholar

13. Virgilio Malvezzi on “La riduzione del mondo all'uno e la monarchia universale,” Pensieri politici e morale XLVI or Francisco Juan de Salazar's Politica española of 1619.

14. “Utrum Imperator sit dominus orbis. Et ne verbi significatio ancipites nos teneat, orbem appellamus, totum terrarum, aquarumque globum et ambitum; nam orbem Romani appellabant illam terrae portionem sibi cognitam, quam suo Imperio subiugaverant. Aristoteles nanque Polit. 7. cap. 4 docuit rempublicam non esse meliorem eo quod maior: sed tantam debere sub uno Principe agere, quantam ipse per se vel per suos posset commode administrare.” (De iustitia et iure, IV.4.2)

15. Politica imperialia sive discursus politici: Acta publica et tractatus generales, ed. Goldast, Melchior (Frankfurt: Johannes Bringer, 1614), 1143–92Google Scholar. This section (xxvi) includes five treatises of which the fourth (1346–69) is most pertinent here. The author is a jurist from Bruges, Andreas Hoius, professor of Greek at Douai, who poses the question: “Utrum sit re Christianorum publica, in tantis regnorum motibus, & impendente Turcarum tyrannide, Monarchiam Europaeam ad Hispaniarum Regem vel ultro deferri, vel fatali quodam orbe devolui?” Goldast is so incensed by the proposition that he cannot restrain himself from repeatedly interrupting the argument and at the end presenting his own position.

16. José Maria Jover, 1635: Historia de una polémica y semblenza de una generación (Madrid, 1949), 166–68.Google Scholar

17. For the bibliography of Campanella's “Monarchia di Spagna,” which sorely needs a critical edition, see Firpo, Luigi, Bibliografia degli scritti di Tommaso Campanella (Turin, 1940), 56–67Google Scholar. I have here consulted the most authoritative manuscript, Paris, Bibliothèque Sainte Geneviève, Ms. 3343, where the passages in the original Italian read: “Pero si deve sforzare in ogni modo il Re di Spagna à farsi elegere Imperatore, che non solo dio. ma la prudenza humana mostra che otterè ogni cosa come vedde principio sotto Carlo 5 … [fol. 44^v]; Mà bastarebbe à farsi eleggere Imperatore un Re di Spagna, che andando in Germania con buone forze L'esspugnerebbe [Le Citta Libere di Germania] subito, sendo in essa la divisione di stato e Religione, Massimo andando con prestezza e con Titolo da passare in Ungaria. Questo dico per L'importanza che corre à Spagna, sotto gl' Auspicii del papa à pigliar L'imperio Et La dichiaratione el Titolo di Re universale dimonstra che Lo spirito santo parla con piu sentimenti nella bocca degli Ecclesiastici” (fol. 49^r). Cf. also fol. 79. References will henceforth be given to the more readily available Latin printed edition: De Monarchia Hispanica (Amsterdam:Louis Elzevir, 1653), an exact reprinting of his 1641 edition, 17; 35–36; 183–84Google Scholar. Concerning the Spanish election to the imperial office, for Campanella's reiteration of this same idea in 1607 as prophecy see his Articuli Prophetales, ed. Ernst, Germania (Florence, 1977), pp. xxxviii; 241Google Scholar. On Campanella in general beyond the scattered, valuable contributions of Luigi Firpo, there is nothing satisfactory of a comprehensive, historical nature except the sympathetic Marxist study of Bock, Gisela, Thomas Campanella: Politisches Interesse und Philosophische Spekulation (Tübingen, 1974)Google Scholar, which argues persuasively for the social–economic seriousness of his thought and actions.

18. Campanella, Tommaso, Discorsi ai principi d'ltalia, ed. Firpo, Luigi (Turin, 1945), Introduction, 53Google Scholar; cf. also Firpo, Bibliografia, 32–34. Firpo later rejected the attribution of the Discorso sui Paesi Bassi to Campanella. In “Un opera che Campanella non scrisse,” Giornale critico della filosofia italiana 31 (1952): 331–43Google Scholar, he argues that it was a Latin version of Chapter 27 of the Monarchia di Spagna, then circulating widely in MS, that was reworked by an anonymous Fleming to become the Discursus de Belgio subjugando. The later Italian version derived from the spurious Latin of 1617. While Campanella never claimed the work as his own and Firpo convincingly argues that what has come down to us is not written by Campanella and is far removed from his style, the root of the work is undeniably Campanella. More recently Firpo has further clarified his research on this matter. See his article “Tobia Adami e la fortuna del Campanella in Germania,” Storia e cultura del Mezzogiorno: Studi in memoria di Umberto Caldora (Cosenza, 1978), 77–118, esp. 103–4.Google Scholar

19. Firpo, Bibliografia, 33–35, 63–66.

20. I am here following Böttcher's analysis of three groups present in Lutheran public opinion, “Propaganda,” 333–34: 1) the quietists, to be seriously reduced after the Edict of Restitution, and continuing to be marked by resistance only to foreign, intervening powers, never to the emperor; 2) the activist radicals, never more than a minority but shortly to gain at the expense of the quietists and for whom the Reich was an aristocracy and its administrator, the emperor, to be controlled partly by pressing their advocacy of a right of resistance, religion, and also natural law; 3) the constitutionalists associated with an impossible program of restoration. On the Discorsi ai principi. Compendium, and Spanish Monarchy, see Firpo, Bibliografia, 130–33; 63–67. On Christoph Besold himself there is nothing that begins to be adequate; because of the immense learning and extensive knowledge of modern, ancient, and Oriental languages commanded by Besold, it is unlikely that we can expect an effective, synoptic assessment of the man and his work. For brief biographical statements one may routinely consult the ADB, NDB, LTK, but especially Dict. d'hist. et de géog. éccl., 8: 1178–80.Google Scholar The best contextual treatment, if brief, can be found in Dülmen, Richard Van, Die Utopie einer christlichen Gesellschaft: Johann Valentin Andreae, 1586–1654 (Stuttgart and Bad Constatt, 1978), 59–64Google Scholar. According to Seifert, Arno, “Der enzyklopädische Gedanke von der Renaissance bis zu Leibniz,” in Leibuiz et la Renaissance, Colloque de CNRS, 1981, ed. Heinekamp, Albert (Wiesbaden, 1983), 113–24Google Scholar, Besold is the first to depart from the idea of philosophia in its widest sense and to urge the concentrating upon individual disciplines and the understanding of encyclopaedia as the totality of the knowledge of the sciences.

21. See particularly Firpo's most recent treatment, “Tobia Adami,” supra, n. 18. For a valuable study of the intellectual circles and crosscurrents at Tübingen at this time, including Besold and the general background to the Christianopolis of J. V. Andreae see the article by Brecht, Martin, “Johann Valentin Andreae: Weg und Programm eines Reformers zwischen Reformation und Moderne” in Theologen und Theologie an der Universität Tübingen, ed. Brecht, Martin (Tübingen, 1977), 270–343Google Scholar; see also Van Dülmen, Utopie.

22. [Besold, Christoph], “Appendix,” in Th. Campanellae de Monarchia Hispanica Discursus (Harderwyck, 1640), 338Google Scholar. Although the Appendix seems to have become overlooked more recently, it was apparently not without readers in its own time. In his edition of Campanella's Aforismi Politici (Turin, 1941), 58Google Scholar, Firpo mentions that Hugo Grotius gave it to Oxenstierna to read.

23. See supra, n. 4, 82–83.

24. Besold, “App.,” 355–59.

25. Ibid., 367.

26. Ibid., 362–67.

27. Ibid., 372–76. Angelos executores is rendered as seine Engel volnzogen in the Appendix of the original German edition, sig. Ddiij. On the Jewish origins and Gnostic-Judaic implications of this idea see Culianu, I. P., “The Angels of the Nations and the Origins of Gnostic Dualism,” in Studies in Gnosticism and Hellenistic Religions, ed. Van den Broek, R. and Vermaseren, M. J. (Leiden, 1981), 78–91Google Scholar. According to Origen each nation received its language from its own angel. See Danielou, Jean, Gospel Message and Hellenistic Culture (London and Philadelphia, 1973). 492.Google Scholar

28. Besold, “App.,” 387 statum … permixtum. This passage in the original rendering of the Anhang, sig. [Eeiij] is instructive: “… weil die herzschung dess Römischen Reichs / mit einem Aristocratischen Temperament / zimblich vermischet / und er die mächtige Ständt desselben / nicht noch seinem gefallen zwingen können.” The marginal gloss reads: “Die Forma Reipublicae Romano-Germanicae, habe den Religions Frieden verursachet.” An earlier gloss reads: “Die absolut Monarchen gestatten kein Freyheit dess Gewissens / leiden auch keinen Religions-Fried” (sig. [Eeiij^v]). If we may safely assume that Besold at the very least approved the glosses to his text, together the two glosses serve to clarify the suggestion of his own doubts regarding the territorial, absolute state and to emphasize the virtues of the old Reich insofar as it represented a system loose enough to admit the coexistence of two religions. However in his Dissertatio Politico-Juridica, de majestate in genere … accedit Tractatus singularis, de reipublicae statumixto (Strassburg:Lazarus Zetner, 1642), esp. 179–84Google Scholar, Besold specifically attacks the Bodinian interpretation of the empire's constitution and argues for a revival of the emperor's authority. Published posthumously, this work could have been the product of a much earlier period in Besold's career but supplementary evidence confirms that Besold modified his views on empire following his conversion to Catholicism and his associations with the Habsburg dynasty during his final years. In the Synopsis, politicae doctrinae (Nuremberg: Andrea ab Hoogenhuyse, 1659)Google Scholar which clearly derives from the later, Inglostadt period, while he seems to perceive the Germanico Romanum Imperium as mixed, and actual universal monarchy absent (86–91), he manifests his loyalty to the Habsburg order, when he complains that Germans send their sons to Leyden and Geneva where they learn to hate Catholics, the Habsburg dynasty, and the universal Roman Empire: “Ac sane prohibere deberet, ne Germani filios suos mitterent Genevam, Leidam, similaque in loca, ubi nil nisi odium erga Catholicos, domum Austriacam, universumque Imperium Romanum, illis instillatur” (205–6).

29. Besold, “App.,” 377–89. The Bellarmine reference is to his De pontifice, I, 9.

30. “Epilogus & Encomium Magni Imperii Romani,” De monarchia Hispanica, 370–37[6]. Elzevir's 1653 reprints his earlier 1641 Latin edition. See Firpo, Bibliografia, 64–65. The Postscript proves to be the last chapter of Lipsius's, JustusAdmiranda, sive, de magnitudine romana libri quattuor: Ad serenissimum principem Albertum Austrium (Antwerp: Joannes Moretus, 1599), 202–5Google Scholar, here silently incorporated.

31. Besold, “App.,” 398–414.

32. Van Dülmen, 60–64.

33. See Warrender's, Howard introduction to his edition of Thomas Hobbes's De cive (Oxford, 1983), 4.Google Scholar

34. But cf. n. 28 supra for some of the constitutional nuances and reservations in Besold's territorialism both in 1623 and later.

35. According to Mattei, Rodolfo de, “Un ‘Compendium’ anticampanelliano” in Tommaso Campanella (1568–1639): Miscellanea di studi nel 4 centenario della sua nascita (Naples, 1969) 165Google Scholar, n. 2, there are no copies of this work to be found in Roman libraries. The Bibliothèque Nationale and the British Library each has a copy. There are only two known copies in the United States. I am here using the Folger Library copy. Because of the poor quality of paper used by German printers at this time, it was by no means unusual for a work to disappear entirely.

36. Professor Harold Jantz, Duke University, kindly brought to my attention the fact that it does appear in Georgi, Theophilus, Erstes Supplement zu dessen allgemeinen Europäischen Bucher Lexico (Leipzig, 1750), 65Google Scholar, under Campanella for 1628 as “Von des Pabst und Spaniens rechtmässiger Gewalt nebst der Widerlegung.”

37. Rodolfo de Mattei, 159–68; besides Firpo, Bibliografia, 132, and his Ricerche Campanelliane (Florence, 1947), 203–10Google Scholar, cf. also Cecilia d'Accadia, Dentice, “Gli scritti di T. Campanella,” Giornale critico della filosofia italiana 2 (1921): 87.Google Scholar

38. De Mattei, 162, apparently misconstrued the prefatory statement–“Allererst aus einem Welschen Mscr. verdeutzscht / und von einer widerlegung apostillirt”–to claim that the entire Compendium and not just the Campanellan discorsi was originally composed in Italian. He thus proceeds to entertain the possibilities of an elaborate disguise. Far more relevant is the problem posed by the presence here of material from Caesar Branchedaurius whose extensive treatise, “Oratio praemonitoria,” appeared in Monita politica, ad sacri romani imperii principes, de immensa curiae romanae potentia moderanda (Frankfurt: Nicolaus Hoffmann, impensis Petri Kopff, 1609), 5–32Google Scholar. The title announces the anticurial character of the book's contents. Indeed the work was a vital conduit for placing Guicciardini's most antipapal texts before the German public. See Luciani, Vincent, Francesco Guicciardini and his European Reputation (New York, 1936), 225, 228Google Scholar. While playing his own part in this respect, Branchedaurius, identified here only as a noble from Turin, includes a stunning portrait of Campanella, emphasizing his dangerous, even demonic subtlety and his guile in trying to obtain release from imprisonment. Branchedaurius reveals an intimate knowledge of the Dominican friar. In fact he justifiably accuses him of wanting to innovate not only concerning polity but also the papal religion, and he appears to be the first to label the Neapolitan reformer as a simulator, Compendium, sig. [C^v]; cf. Luigi Firpo, Ricerche, 208–10. Appearing first in 1609 in the Monita, this portrait of Campanella constituted the first introduction of the world reformer to the German public. The passage from Branchedaurius's oration (21–23) figured only in the two German translations by Besold of the Spanish Monarchy as prefatory material together with its use here in the Compendium. Regarding the nationality of the Compendium's author, it is more likely that an educated seventeenth-century German would be conversant with current Italian historians, political satirists, and literature than that an Italian would know a ballad of Gunther Strauss, Sleidanus's oration of 1544 to Charles V, and details pertaining to the Emperor Maximilian II. Despite the fact that our writer will appeal at one point to Lutherans, Calvinists, and all upright Catholic patriots, it seems unlikely that we have here an Italian or even German anticurialist; the Lutheran invective sustained against the papacy and the concluding note directed to German Lutherans would suggest otherwise. Comp., sig. K₂.

39. Firpo, Ricerche, 209–10; cf. De Mattei, “Compendium.”

40. Comp., sig. D₃.

41. Ibid., sig. .

42. Ibid., sig. F. The statement occurs at the end of the prologue to book IV of the History of the Two Cities.

43. Comp., sig. G₃.

44. Ibid., sig. F₄.

45. Eher Türckisch ah Päpstisch: Die alte / und von vielen Jahren her gebräuchliche Rede … ([n.p.], 1627), sigs. Aii- [Aii^v]. This tract is available in Gustav Freytag, Flugschriftensammlung, no. 5319. According to the passage cited, the banner read: “Ehe Türkisch denn Päpstisch.” Some readers of this paper have been quick to take issue with the spelling of Ehe for the more customary Eher, and denn instead of als. The political literature of the age uses them indiscriminately. For the viability of Ehe see Grimm, , Deutsches Wörterbuch, III, 37, 2); 38, 6); 48, 7)Google Scholar.

46. Eher Türckisch als Päpstisch, sigs. Bii-E.

47. Ibid., sigs. [E^v]–[Gii^v].

48. Ibid., sigs. Giii–[Giiii].

49. Comp., sig. .

50. Writing to Link, 18 Dec. 1518, Luther says: “peiorem Turcis esse Romam hodie puto me demonstrare posse” (WBr 1:270:13–14); and again shortly afterwards, “Romana Curia hodie omnium Turcarum superans tyrannidem” (WBr 1:282:18). All references to Luther pertain to the Weimar edition, “WBr” referring to the correspondence and “WA” to the works.

51. WA 7:141:3–7, 24–25; 30/2:125–26; 206:23–34; 53:391:11–24; 394–95; WBr 9:547.

52. Kenneth M. Setton, “Lutheranism and the Peril, Turkish, ”Balkan Studies 3 (1962): 143–58Google Scholar; Bohnstedt, John W., “The Infidel Scourge of God: The Turkish Menace as Seen by German Pamphleteers of the Reformation Era,” Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, n.s. 58, 1968, pt. 9, 24.Google Scholar

53. Setton, 158.

54. Schwoebel, Robert H., “Coexistence, Conversion and the Crusade against the Turk,” Studies in the Renaissance 12 (1965): 167–72.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

55. Bohnstedt, 19–20, 38.

56. This is the main theme of Pfeffermann, Hans, Die Zusammenarbeit der Renaissancepäpste mit den Türcken (Winterthur, 1946)Google Scholar, a valuable work, though rarely cited.

57. Ibid., 167. In fact Calabria was a major source for renegades to Islam and a significant number had fled to the Turk following the abortive uprising of 1599. Cf. Bock, Campanella, 150–52.

58. In May–June 1601 the Spanish ambassador at Constantinople writes that Transylvania would prefer to become Turkish rather than imperial: “Querian mas vivir debaxo el dominio del Turco que del emperador.” Already there rings the later Hungarian “Lieber Allah, als ‘Wer da.’” (Randa, Alexander, Pro Republica Christiana: Die Walachie im “Langen” Türkenkrieg der katholischer Universalmächte, 1593–1606, Munich, 1964, 288Google Scholar.) Dorotheus Plosarius, who is incorrectly cited by our later anonymous tract as one using the slogan (Comp., sig. ), nevertheless does adhere to the spirit of the aphorism; compared with the papal Antichrist, “mitior Turca, qui etiam ubi plenum exercet jus ac dominium, Ecclesiae hospitium ac tranquillitatem concedet. Quanto igitur praestantior anima corpore.” (I am grateful to my doctoral student, Peter Schimert, who brought back from Budapest a microfilm of this apparently pseudonymous work, Oratio Apologetica pro Serenissimo Gabriele Bethleno, Pressburg, 1624, 30.) And at the other end of the century Stephan Gerlach in his Altera Tagebuch (Frankfurt am Mayn, 1674), 89Google Scholar, crypto–Calvinistically observes: “Die Lutherischen sind den Türcken lieber also die Papisten weil jene die Anruff und Verehrung der Bilder verdammen / und verhoffen also / die solten eher Türcken werden dann die Welschen.”

59. Comp., sigs. .

60. Ibid., sigs. [.

61. Ibid., sigs. . On the anti-Spanish image in the German literature of the period see Zeydel, Edward Hermann, The Holy Roman Empire in German Literature (New York, 1918), 57–59Google Scholar. In his Thirty Years' War (New York, 1980)Google Scholar Herbert Langer notes an incipient nationalist feeling in the titles of contemporary news-sheets and leaflets: “Spanish Soporific” (1620), “Spanish Wolf Gut” (1625), “Spanish Fish-Hook” (1630), “Spanish Enormous Thirst” (1632), 241–43; cf. Firpo, Bibliografia, 35.

62. Comp., sig. H₃.

63. Ibid., sigs. . Perhaps what the author intends by claiming that Campanella would suppress the intellectuals refers to the latter's frequently expatiating on the marvelously divisive and enervating influence of philosophical sects and the uncontrolled interpretation of the Bible, cf. La monarchia di Spagna, fols. 72, 82^V, and 94; De Hispanica Monarchia, 146–47, 204, 272–73. The Machiavellian intent of Campanella was not lost on the general public, as later evinced in Stubbe, Henry, Campanella Revived or an Enquiry into the History of the Royal Society (London, 1670), 1–7Google Scholar, which specifically addressed Campanella's suppression of the study of Greek, Hebrew, and what we might call the humanities today. Campanella urged their export to confuse the enemy, and the promotion instead of the natural sciences as a politically neutral subject for engaging intellectual energies.

64. As the text only provides the surnames I am assuming that Vives refers to the great Valencian humanist, who spent his creative years at Bruges and Oxford, and Diaz to Juan Diaz, who as a Protestant heretic was spectacularly pursued and murdered by his own brother. (See Brandi, Karl, The Emperor Charles V, trans. Wedgwood, C. V., London, 1939, 543.)Google Scholar Regarding which of the many Covarrubiases, Dr. William Ilgen has kindly identified him as being Juan Covarrubias y Orozco, d. 1608, nephew of the well-known Diego Covarrubias y Leiva—acuriously farfetched example, given the existence of more obvious evidence for the matter in question. Cf. Enciclopedia universal Ilustrada 15:1414.

65. Comp. . Sec supra, n. 63.

66. Ibid..

67. On the interconfessional collaboration between Catholic and Lutheran estates, necessitated by the Turkish threat, and the consequent development of the empire's administrative machinery, see Schulze, Winfried, Reich und Türkengefahr im späten 16. Jahrhundert (Munich, 1978), 11–65Google Scholar, esp. 48, 56, 62–63.

68. Mousnier, R., “The Exponents and Critics of Absolutism,” in New Cambridge Modern History (Cambridge, 1970), 4: 109.Google Scholar

69. Heckel, Martin, “Staat und Kirche nach den Lehren der evangelischen Juristen Deutschlands in der ersten Hälfte des 17. Jahrhunderts,” Zeitschrift der Savigny Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte (Kanonische Abteilung) 42 (1956): 117–247, esp. 150–65.Google Scholar

70. Schönstädt, Hans-Jürgen, Antichrist, Weltheilsgeschehen und Gottes Werkzeug: Römische Kirche, Reformation und Luther im Spiegel des Reformationsjubiläums 1617 (Wiesbaden, 1978), 233, 250.Google Scholar

71. Quoted from Duchhardt, Heinz, Protestantisches Kaisertum und Altes Reich: Die Diskussion über die Konfession des Kaisers in Politik, Publizistik und Staatsrecht (Wiesbaden, 1977), 145Google Scholar. Although a most respectable study, it provides nothing on the present period in question.

72. Comp., sig. .

73. Ibid., sig. F₂. On Sleidanus see his “Oratio ad carolum Quintum Caesarem” of 1544 in Zwei Reden an Kaiser und Reich, ed. Böhmer, Eduard (Tübingen, 1879), 182–83, 227, 230.Google Scholar

74. Comp., sig. [C^v].

75. Ibid., sigs. .

76. Ibid., sig. I₂.

77. Ibid., sig. C₂.

78. Ibid., sig. : “Alldieweil es hier gleichmessiger weise konte applicicrt werden / was Barnefelt den H[oechsten] Staden der vereinigten Niederlande gerathen / man müste alle sachen so treiben / dass der Spanier ab-und der Frantsoss nichts zunehme: Wenn man vor den Frantsosen bey uns den Türcken nennete / wer es meines erachtens ein ding. Welches auch wol geschehen wird / wann man erst recht verstehen solte / dass der Bapst und Spanier zu sehr in das Teutsche Reich nisten / und man gar des Campanellae anschläge nach / Spanische und dergleichen Churfürsten machen wolte. Dafür uns doch Gott genädiglich behüte; Bevorab / dass / da wir uns nicht des Türcken / Bapsts und Spaniers Schwerdte / jedoch ihrer falschen un-oder aberglaubens durch die geistliche Rüstunge erwehren mügen / und so wenig Bapsts und Spaniers / als des Türcken glück / viel weniger ihre Zechinos oder Teublonen verfuhren lassen.”

79. Ibid., sig. ; cf. sig. [ .