This paper will describe the functional relationship of the growth of industry to the traditional system of rural life prevailing in Quebec. The general course of this growth is familiar enough. Quebec has always had industries which exploited the native resources of forest, sea, and lately, of the mines. In the present phase new major industries, which make little use of native materials except water and man-power, have invaded the province. Industries of this type are generally not on the frontiers of settlement, but in the very heart of the province. In the course of the last two decades, Quebec has become more urban than rural. It is now only slightly less industrial than Ontario.

Modern capitalistic industry grew up in a few centres, coincident with an enormous expansion of sources of raw materials and markets. Its spread has taken two forms: the first, still proceeding at a slackening rate, is the extension of its far-flung frontiers; the second is an inner expansion in which industry moves from its most intensely developed older centres to nearby less industrialized regions, where it finds a population accustomed to the main features of Western capitalistic civilization but not sophisticated with respect to its more extreme manifestations. Quebec and the southern United States are among the outstanding regions in which this inner expansion or “mopping up” is taking place.

Tocqueville is usually understood to have proposed a two-tiered antidote to “the problem of democracy”: the doctrine of “self-interest rightly understood” and the preservation of religious belief. This article argues that Tocqueville provided a previously unnoticed third tier to his prescription: the democratic family. Sheltered from the competitive individualism of society, the family is portrayed as a haven of co-operation that nurtures the habits of altruism. Central to this scheme is a “different but equal” regime of the sexes. Arguing that increased equality leads to increased competition, Tocqueville suggests that a thorough-going equality of the sexes would undermine the family's function of moral formation.

The cohesion of interest associations has been seen to depend, among other factors, on the character of the political regime. Federal regimes are said to have negative consequences for group cohesion because of their tendency to force extensive regional differentiation in associations. These conclusions are examined here and shown to be in need of elaboration. To explain differentiation in business associations, factors other than regime structure must be considered, specifically the structure of the sector being represented and the nature of the collective bargaining arrangements. When this is done, the wide variety of internal regional arrangements found in associations is better accounted for. Furthermore, some of these arrangements are shown to be more likely to weaken cohesion than others. The argument is based on a study of business associations in Canada and the United Kingdom that are active in three economic sectors—food processing, chemicals, and construction.

These notes explore and categorize most cases of monopolistic price discrimination. A majority of these instances, when involving a homogeneous product, fall into that broad and somewhat miscellaneous class that Pigou termed second-degree discrimination. Whenever evident, profit-maximizing rules of approximations are given, the contributions of von Stackelberg (second-degree discrimination) and of Mrs. Robinson (third-degree discrimination) being later shown to be special cases of a more general analytic solution. Less authoritarian forms of discrimination arising from brand differentiation, first considered by Bailey and others, are placed in a larger context. A final section graphically distinguishes between optimal financial outcomes (for the seller) and optimal resource allocations (for the economy) under monopolistic price discrimination.

The article analyzes the debate that took place in Mexico and Argentina regarding the necessary changes to labour legislation, situating its importance in a historical perspective. Insofar as labour legislation was not an obstacle for the de facto flexibilization of labour relations, the governments of these countries resisted pressures to transform the law. The limits to the changes imposed on labour relations were set by the effort to prevent the final undermining of official labour movements that had been politically associated through corporatism with the parties in power during the 1990s.

Sue Donaldson and Will Kymlicka have recently argued in Zoopolis (2011) that domesticated animals ought to become our democratic co-citizens. In this paper I claim that the acceptance of animals into our democratic negotiations—championed in Zoopolis as a broadening of justice and inclusion—also has the potential to render our political institutions dangerously unjust. Through an engagement with the work of Plato and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, I argue that we must be wary of a democracy's susceptibility to the emergence of unbridled or tyrannical liberty when expanding the criteria of freedom and agency to accommodate animals, or the animalistic, in the political sphere.

Following the Quebec referendum on sovereignty-association in 1995, many political observers assumed that immigrant voters would support the federalist option, and that only a minority among them would vote for the Parti Québécois option. However, in view of the considerable changes in the linguistic integration of immigrants over the last 20 years, their electoral behaviour might vary. Focusing on a survey in Spring 1996, the authors confirm the existence of a greater pluralism among immigrant voters. Moreover, the data emphasize factors in favour of a social vote among those citizens, especially in the Montreal region. Diversification of electoral choice is supported by the percentage of those who learned French and who identified themselves as Quebeckers.

Abstract. This study asks questions that are important for both theory and policy: Do ethnoreligious minorities attract more intervention than other ethnic minorities? Do Middle Eastern and Islamic ethnic minorities attract more international intervention than ethnic minorities living elsewhere, and if so, why? The Minorities at Risk database, which contains information on intervention in all ethnic conflicts between 1990 and 1995, is used to answer these questions. The findings show that Middle Eastern and Islamic minorities do, in fact, attract more international intervention than other minorities. This is due to a larger pattern where states, especially Islamic ones, rarely intervene on behalf of ethnic minorities with which they share no religious affinities. The results also show that ethnoreligious minorities are more likely to attract political intervention than other ethnic minorities. These results confirm the importance of religious affinities in spite of a general disposition in the field of international relations to minimize their effects.

Résumé. Cette étude répond à des questions d'importance théorique et pratique. Est-ce que les minorités ethnoreligieuses attirent plus d'interventions internationales que les autres types de minorités? Est-ce que les minorités ethniques islamiques et du Moyen-Orient attirent plus d'interventions internationales que les minorités ethniques d'ailleurs et si oui, pour quelle raison? La banque de données du programme Minorities at Risk, qui répertorie les interventions dans tous les conflits ethniques survenus entre 1990 et 1995, est outillée pour répondre à ces questions. Les résultats de recherche démontrent que les minorités ethniques islamiques et du Moyen-Orient attirent, en effet, plus d'interventions internationales que les autres minorités. Cela s'explique par le fait que les États, et plus particulièrement les États islamiques, interviennent rarement en faveur des minorités avec lesquelles ils ne partagent aucune affinité religieuse. Les résultats démontrent également que les minorités ethnoreligieuses ont tendance à attirer plus d'interventions étrangères à caractère politique que les autres types de minorités. Les conclusions de recherche confirment donc l'importance que revêt l'affinité religieuse pour les interventions internationales dans les conflits ethniques, à l'encontre de l'opinion générale des experts en relations internationales, qui tendent à minimiser son rôle.

In 2019, Canada's gross subnational debt to GDP was well over 40 per cent, easily the highest in the world (see Figure 1). This level will only grow as the provinces grapple with the pandemic and its fiscal effects. Some believe surging provincial debts have brought Canadian federalism to a critical juncture: they have greatly increased the odds of federal measures to stabilize provincial finances. This article assesses this claim. The cleanest and most balanced path to fiscal sustainability is a combination of enhanced federal transfers, which would bolster provincial fiscal capacity, and national fiscal rules, which would constrain provincial borrowing. But the former is unlikely to restore sustainability on its own, and the latter would require a severe provincial debt crisis, which Canada's existing fiscal federal structures can avoid. COVID-19 has increased the odds of certain reforms, and it is difficult to predict their long-run effects. But any obvious paths to fiscal sustainability remain hidden.

The literature on evolutionary theory tends to address questions of ethnicity from two perspectives: (1) macro, or long–term selection processes associated with basic human preferences for individual or group survival, ethnic identity or kinship affiliations; and (2) intermediate selection mechanisms associated with the fitness and adaptability of specific cultures, religions or belief systems in different regions of the world. Comparatively less time has been spent addressing micro–evolutionary questions about the timing, escalation and duration of ethnic violence — that is, micro or short–term selection processes and fitness mechanisms that account for the escalation and/or duration of ethnic hatreds, violence or war at a particular time.

This paper examines the relationship of social class, ethnicity, and voting in the city of Winnipeg in the 1945 provincial election. Our data sources were the 1946 census and provincial election returns. The Winnipeg provincial constituency was selected for a number of reasons. In 1945, it corresponded to the city of Winnipeg boundaries, thus permitting the correlation of the 1946 Census of the Prairie Provinces data with the October 1945 voting results. Second, it had both a large number of non-British voters and candidates, which allowed a test for the importance of ethnic voting. Third, Winnipeg had (and has) a large working-class population and pockets of upper-class areas, permitting a test for the importance of class voting. Finally, as a multi-member constituency returning 10 members, a system of proportional representation was employed. With 20 candidates in the running for 10 seats, 15 ballot transfers were necessary before all 10 candidates were declared elected. An examination of these ballot transfers permits a corroborating test for class and ethnic voting.

The Canadian system of protective tariffs has long been known as the National Policy. Professor Underhill describes this designation as a stroke of genius. We gladly bow to the judgment of Professor Underhill, with one proviso, namely, that we may regard this description of the protective system as a stroke of political genius, and not necessarily as genius in the abstract and absolute. No one can doubt the political sagacity of the appeal made to the Canadian electorate in 1878 which claimed for the Conservatives an exclusive proprietary right to the formula for nation building. In retrospect we can readily recognize the contribution of the protective system to the creation of the Canadian nation. We are, nevertheless, by no means able to identify the protective system as the only nation-building instrument of the past century of Canadian history.

Professor Underhill does not, of course, attribute to Sir John A. Macdonald the genius which he finds implicit in the designation of the protective system as the National Policy. This indicates the exercise of proper caution, for it is clear that Macdonald displayed little originality in thus describing the tariff system. Many years ago Professor O. D. Skelton stressed the evolutionary nature of the concept of the National Policy and referred to the term as “a phrase which Rose devised, Hincks stamped with his approval, and Macdonald made current.”

Abstract. An emerging pattern of governance in contemporary liberal democratic welfare states is a move away from interest group representation and a public sphere organized around demands for extensions of rights to something much more constrained. This article asks how such a profound shift in representation has occurred through governance spaces that are co-constructed by community organizations. It examines the case of Canadian immigrant settlement where beliefs about citizen representation, the role of the state and the nature of the public sphere have undergone profound change, leaving immigrant organizations as either marginal players or fully incorporated in state sanctioned immigrant service provision. Drawing on documentary evidence and interviews with immigrant organizations and public officials in Ottawa, it shows how immigrant organizations have actively interpreted their interests in the light of this changing web of beliefs to co-construct a new policy regime that favours organizational interests over citizen participation.

Résumé. Au cours des dernières décennies, une des tendance de gouvernance qui se desssine dans la plupart des États providence est que l'espace de représentation politique et de la défense des droits collectifs est devenu de plus en plus restraint. Cet article examine comment ce changement a pris forme dans des espaces de gouvernance qui sont de plus en plus marqués par une interaction dynamique de coconstruction des politiques publiques. L'analyse est basée sur une étude de cas d'organismes communautaires oeuvrant dans le domaine de l'intégration des immigrants dans la ville d'Ottawa. L'analyse de documents et les entrevues qualitatives révèlent que les organismes ont stratégiquement redéfinis leurs intérêts en matière de représentation politique et ont contribué à la coconstruction d'un nouveau régime de gouvernance qui privilégie les intérêts organisationnels au-dessus de la participation citoyenne.

Abstract. Direct protest actions by Indigenous peoples in Canada have rarely yielded the specific gains that were targeted. In the aftermath of conflict, Canadian governments have typically proven to be intransigent. An exception to this general tendency is the Anishinabek occupation of Ipperwash Provincial Park, which began in 1995. In 2007, the government of Ontario agreed to return the parkland to the First Nation, making it an unusually successful instance of direct action. It is argued here that this outcome can best be explained by drawing on the “symbolic politics” theory of intergroup conflict. The Ipperwash inquiry, acting as a post-conflict truth commission, generated a micro-narrative shared by both groups, which altered the political incentive structure and enabled the outlier accommodative outcome.

Résumé. Les actions de protestation directe par les peuples autochtones du Canada ont rarement donné les résultats recherchés. Au lendemain d'un conflit, les gouvernements canadiens se sont généralement montrés intransigeants. L'occupation du Parc provincial d'Ipperwash par les Anishinabek, qui débuta en 1995, représente toutefois une exception à cette tendance générale. Le gouvernement ontarien a accepté, en 2007, de retourner les territoires du parc à cette première nation, ce qui en fait un des rares cas où l'action directe a porté fruit. L'article soutient que c'est en s'appuyant sur la théorie de la politique symbolique des conflits intergroupes qu'il est possible d'expliquer ce résultat. Agissant comme une commission de vérité et de réconciliation, la Commission d'enquête sur Ipperwash a généré un récit commun, partagé par les deux groupes. En changeant la structure d'incitatifs politiques, ce récit explique l'étonnant résultat d'accommodement qui en est ressorti.

Abstract. In this article we re-establish the relevance of linguistic diversity by highlighting that French is a minority language spoken by a growing number of non-white and non-Christian minority groups, including Muslims. These groups are often characterized in contemporary Canada as essentially non-modern, traditional and opposed to secularism—characterizations that were used historically to depict French ethnic minorities as essentially Catholic, traditional and non-modern. Utilizing a historically grounded case study of the evolution of French language education rights in Alberta, the study reveals how “Franco-Albertans” are a linguistic minority comprised of other minorities. We also show the contradictions inherent in dichotomous representations of “secularism” when it comes to “Western” and “non-Western” societies, or “Christian” and “Muslim” groups. We argue that in expanding the discipline's focus to deal with a wider range of “groups,” analysts need to attend to how “multiple minorities” may take analytically relevant forms, and be wary of evolutionary and dichotomous constructions of diverse “others.”

Résumé. Dans cet article, nous redonnons une place importante à la question linguistique comme dimension politique fondamentale au Canada, et au français comme langue minoritaire parlée par un nombre croissant de groupes minoritaires non blancs et non chrétiens, y compris les musulmans. Ces groupes, ce qui n'est pas selon nous sans intérêt, sont souvent globalement décrits aujourd'hui comme étant non modernes, traditionnels et opposés au sécularisme dans un discours qui n'est pas sans évoquer la façon dont les Canadiens français furent historiquement décrits comme une société strictement catholique et prémoderne. Dans ce cas-ci, le Canada francophone est étudié à travers le prisme de la francophonie albertaine, elle-même composée de plusieurs minorités. Nous nous concentrons en particulier sur les droits scolaires en Alberta et un lien est aussi établi entre cette situation et la description souvent dichotomique par rapport au sécularisme de la société canadienne entre les groupes «occidentaux» et «non occidentaux» ou encore entre les groupes «chrétiens» d'un côté, et de l'autre, les groupes de la diversité multiculturelle canadienne, notamment les musulmans francophones. La thèse de cet article est qu'en élargissant le champ d'investigation de la discipline de façon à inclure un éventail de groupes plus grand, les analystes doivent être vigilants quant à l'articulation complexe du concept de «minorités multiples» de façon à éviter les constructions trop évolutionnistes et dichotomiques des divers «autres».

The COVID-19 pandemic has seen opponents of public health mandates deploy a range of populist and anti-elite arguments. The 2021 Canadian federal election was an exceptional “pandemic election” in which the COVID-19 health crisis took centre stage. But the election campaign also saw the populist People's Party of Canada (PPC) rise to prominence by opposing pandemic-related public health restrictions. While the party failed to win a seat, it did manage to triple its vote share (1.6 per cent to 4.9 per cent). It is unclear, however, what factors led to the rise in support for the PPC. To explore this issue, we draw on an original post-election survey (n = 18,950) and focus on populist attitudes and opposition to COVID-19-related public health restrictions. Results from regression models and structural equation models (SEMs) indicate that opposition to public health restrictions was a much stronger factor than populism in shaping support for the PPC.

The disclosure in 1987 that dioxins were present in pulp mill effluents prompted governments throughout the world to revise their environmental standards for the pulp and paper industry. This article uses the pulp and paper case to examine the dynamics of environmental standard setting within the Canadian federal state. Provincial regulatory incentives are analyzed using two-player games as a heuristic. The article then considers the federal government's role in establishing national standards. Many authors have emphasized the importance of federal involvement to overcome provincial reluctance to regulate unilaterally, lest jobs be lost to jurisdictions with weaker environmental standards. However, few have considered whether the federal government has incentives to do just that. It is argued that those incentives are weak at best, in light of resistance from both the regulated industry and jurisdictionally defensive provinces. In environmental regulation of the Canadian pulp and paper industry, federal reluctance resulted in a two-tier system of environmental standards with strict standards for the largest provinces, and weaker ones for smaller provinces that rely more on the federal government.

The post-Cold War era has provoked a revival of various implicit as well as explicit returns to Stoic cosmopolitan theory as a possible source of a normative conceptual framework for international relations and global community. This article confronts this revival of interest in Stoicism with an analysis of Cicero's constructive critique of original Stoic conceptions of the world community. Particular attention is paid to the arguments by which Cicero identifies major flaws in the Stoic outlook and establishes the validity of his alternative notion of the “law of nations.” It is argued that Cicero's transformation of Stoicism issues in a more modest but more solid, as well as more civic-spirited, cosmopolitan theory. At the same time, the implications of Cicero's arguments for our understanding of justice altogether are clarified.

Résumé. Prévoir le vote en tant que révélation des préférences des citoyens dans les choix collectifs permet d'évaluer les chances de succès des sortants ou de l'opposition et d'anticiper les politiques publiques futures. Dans cet article, nous donnons une prévision de l'élection présidentielle de 2007 en France à partir d'une fonction de vote mobilisant les apports de la théorie des choix publics et de la science politique des comportements électoraux. Les prévisions générées au niveau territorial sont plus pertinentes pour le second tour que pour le premier tour. Nous offrons quelques éléments d'explication et des pistes d'amélioration pour 2012.

Abstract. Forecasting votes understood as citizens revealed preferences in collective choices allow to evaluate electoral success opportunities both for incumbents and opposition and to anticipate future public policies. In this paper, we provide forecasts for the 2007 French presidential election gathering contributions from Public Choice theory and Political science dealing with electoral behaviors. Forecasts generated at a sub-national level exhibit more accuracy at the second round than at the first one. We propose some explanation and improvements for 2012.

The issue of moral dimensions of the state and its statecraft is the focus of this article. The issue is premised on two questions: how do we secure moral responsibility of the state and its functionaries; and what can be done to enhance the sense of mission, dedication and service which used to be the hallmarks of the public service? The concept of “administrative theology” is suggested as a possible answer in our search for a moral government and statecraft. Particular emphasis is placed on the concept of service and the doctrine of vocation. The author concludes by pleading the case of administrative theology as a possible source for a moral government and its statecraft.