Both Harold Laski and C. B. Macpherson attempted to reconcile elements of liberalism and Marxism in their work. Macpherson offered a clearer and more precise argument about the ways in which capitalist market relations frustrate freedom, equality and the development of the individual. Laski provided a clearer and more consistent account of human nature, which is necessary to sustain such an argument. Macpherson, in turn, reformulated the distinction between negative and positive liberty, which had remained an unresolved problem in Laski's account of human nature. The respective strengths of Laski and Macpherson may be combined to provide a coherent and cogent ideological position.

Political science is both a generalizing and an anchored, nationally defined, discipline. Too often, the first perspective tends to crowd out the latter, because it appears more prestigious, objective, or scientific. Behind the international/national dichotomy, there are indeed rival conceptions of social science and important ontological, epistemological and methodological assumptions. This article discusses these assumptions and stresses the critical contribution of idiographic, single-outcome studies, the importance of producing relevant, usable knowledge and the distinctive implications of studying one's own country, where a scholar is also a citizen, involved in more encompassing national conversations. The aim is not to reject the generalizing, international perspective, or even the comparative approach, but rather to reaffirm the importance of maintaining as well, and in fact celebrating, the production of social scientific knowledge directly relevant for our own times and places.

Résumé. Comment expliquer les différences entre les processus d'institutionnalisation des lieux de culte dans plusieurs villes? Notre article analyse l'établissement de lieux de culte musulmans à Montréal et à Laval. En suivant une approche néo-institutionnelle, nous montrons que des configurations institutionnelles – caractérisées par les relations intergouvernementales, les discours encadrant l'accommodement des demandes ethnoculturelles, les relations avec les élus et les fonctionnaires ainsi que les différentes formes de relations avec les groupes ethnoreligieux au niveau municipal – façonnent les processus d'institutionnalisation des lieux de culte et ce, par l'intermédiaire d'un mécanisme, soit la personnalisation, réussie ou non, des canaux de médiation. La personnalisation des canaux de médiation entre les autorités religieuses et municipales correspond à un processus d'institutionnalisation de type politique alors que l'échec de cette personnalisation correspond à un processus d'institutionnalisation de type administratif.

Abstract. How does one account for the different processes of institutionalization of places of worship in different cities? To answer this question, the article analyses the establishment of Muslim places of worship in Montréal and Laval. Using a neo-institutional approach, I demonstrate how institutional configurations – characterised by the following: the state of inter-governmental relations; the discourses surrounding the accommodation of ethno-cultural and ethno-religious demands; the relations among local actors, especially elected officials and municipal public servants; and forms of mediation between municipalities and ethno-religious groups – impact on the processes of institutionalization, and this, through a mechanism, the degree of personalisation of mediation channels. My principal hypothesis is that personalisation of mediation channels leads to a political process of institutionalization whereas non-personalisation of these channels leads to an administrative one.

Canada's economic development during the first two decades of the twentieth century has been examined intensively by such writers as Viner, Meier, and Ingram. Viner claimed that Canadian experience from 1900–1913 clearly demonstrated the working of the classic specie flow mechanism and the international operation of the quantity theory of money. Meier re-examined the period, and in the light of additional evidence concluded that dynamic forces of economic development (expansion of the wheat economy, and later capital inflows) dominated the Canadian record during the period. Ingram also argued that rapid expansion of the economy after 1900 created investment opportunities and attracted an inflow of foreign funds that was closely linked to the development boom. More recently, Borts has suggested an important role for export prices in inaugurating the era of expansion.

This emphasis on long-run economic performance has detracted attention from short-run variations in the Canadian economy during the pre-war period. Some work in this area was attempted by Taylor and Michell, who built a composite annual index of prosperity to define cyclical swings in a rough way, and by Mitchell and Thorp who provided an annual sketch of conditions in several countries including Canada.

The precise dating of business cycle turning points in Canada owes much to the pioneering work of Chambers. He has produced tentative reference cycle turning points for the last quarter of the nineteenth century, and for the period from 1919 to 1955. The only portion of the post-Confederation century yet to be analysed in this manner is therefore the period from 1900 to 1919.

Abstract. This article focuses on the claim that authority is shifting from public into private hands. To partially test that thesis it examines the procedures for settling disputes under NAFTA Chapter 11 (itself an example of the broader category of investor-state provisions found in bilateral investment agreements and some international conventions). The article detects evidence of a delegation or transfer of public authority to private processes. It deals only incidentally with NAFTA Chapter 11's grant to investors of the right to make direct claims against signatory governments; rather, it concentrates on the procedures for resolving such claims, and the means available to states to assert the public interest. Specifically, this article examines the way that the NAFTA Chapter 11 dispute resolution mechanism is rooted in private arbitration processes and seeks to determine the effectiveness of the means available to public authorities to alter decisions emanating from them, if they are deemed to be contrary to the public interest.

Résumé. Cet article considère l'argument selon lequel l'exercice de l'autorité publique est en train de passer du domaine public au domaine privé. Afin de vérifier, au moins partiellement, cette thèse l'article passe en revue les procédures d'adjudication des différends aux termes du chapitre 11 de l'ALENA - qui est lui-même un exemple de la catégorie plus vaste des dispositions concernant le traitement des investisseurs, et leur droit d'apparaître devant les tribunaux d'arbitrage au même titre que les États, que l'on trouve dans certains traités bilatéraux et internationaux. L'article décèle les indices d'une délégation ou d'un transfert de l'autorité publique vers le secteur privé. Il ne porte que tangentiellement sur le chapitre 11 de l'ALENA et les droits des investisseurs de porter plainte contre les gouvernements signataires; il analyse, par contre,de manière plus approfondie les procédures utilisées pour résoudre de telles plaintes et les moyens dont disposent les États pour défendre l'intérêt général. L'auteur examine plus particulièrement l'enracinement de la procédure de résolution des différends du chapitre 11 de l'ALENA dans les processus d'arbitrage privé et cherche à déterminer l'efficacité des moyens dont disposent les autorités publiques pour modifier les décisions qui en résultent si elles s'avèrent être contraires à l'intérêt général.

This article examines executive responses to economic decline in Ontario and Michigan from 2003 to 2012, when the two governments struggled to adjust to a severe manufacturing crisis which greatly worsened during the Great Recession in 2008–2009. Sharing an international border, these cases offer control over an unusually large number of economic, social and political factors, permitting a focused analysis of the impact of divided government and fiscal decentralization on executive policy making. The research finds that greater fiscal decentralization in Canada and unified government in Ontario allowed the province to develop a more rapid and more robust response to the economic crisis in comparison to the State of Michigan. Budgetary constraints and a partisan veto at the state level forced Michigan's governor to redirect her efforts to the federal venue.

Government cohesiveness is known to moderate retrospective voting. While previous work on this topic has focused on characteristics of the government, we build on the literature on clarity of responsibility and the literature on valence to argue that the extent to which government and opposition are ideologically distinct also moderates retrospective voting. Two alternative expectations follow from these two theoretical perspectives. While the clarity of responsibility framework leads to the expectation that a larger difference between government and opposition will strengthen retrospective voting, the valence literature presumes that retrospective voting is stronger when ideological differences are small. Using the data of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) project, we find evidence that is in line with the clarity of responsibility framework: the higher the degree of ideological polarization between government and opposition, the larger the effect of retrospective performance evaluations on the vote.

This discussion of capital grows out of investigation of the history of labour in Canada. Four major systems of organizing labour for the production of goods may be distinguished in the course of Canadian history. Each of these involved its peculiar methods of production, of organizing the labour market, and its characteristic attitudes of employers and employees. The change from one system to another is what is meant by economic development in this paper. The questions inevitably arise, why a period features one type of labour organization rather than another and why one system is displaced by another. These questions have led to concern with capital accumulation, importation, and investment, for it would appear that the availability and uses of capital are crucial to the answers. The role of capital is important, no doubt, to other fields of study as well. Many useful things about capital have been said by Canadian scholars, but no broad and coherent review of the whole subject appears to exist. The present is an exploratory paper, covering approximately two of the stages of development remarked above, and the change from one to the other.

About the middle of the nineteenth century, the Province of Canada was transformed from a raw, staple-producing area to a rounded, integrated economy that might be called metropolitan. Signs of the change were visible in 1830, unmistakable in 1840. By 1850 change had gone too far to be turned back, and 1860 and 1870 can denote only the filling out of the home-market exchange economy already implicit. Purely extractive industry was overlaid with a secondary development involving an elaborate transportation system, a capitalistic agriculture, an extensive list of manufactures that appear to have been efficient in their day, and a creditable financial structure. Probably the most telling evidence of the transformation was the fact that this colony, so recently at the mercy of the fluctuations of imperial markets for one or two commodities, could undertake successfully to swallow an empire of its own in the years after 1867.

The most interesting fact about the by-elections held in Peterborough and Niagara Falls on October 31, 1960, was not so much that the Conservatives (in power in Ottawa) lost them—or, rather, lost the one and failed to gain the other—as that the New Party won the Peterborough seat, with 46 per cent of the vote, and got 23 per cent of the vote in Niagara Falls. Taking the two constituencies together the New Party polled a larger popular vote than did either the Liberals or Conservatives: no minor achievement for a party that was making its first two appearances on the federal electoral scene, a party that at the time had neither a name nor a national leader and whose platform was still in the process of being formulated.

Who voted New Party and why? These were the first questions that seemed to need answering. Obviously, old-line socialists could not account for a very large part of the Peterborough poll since the best the CCF had ever done in Peterborough, in federal elections, was to get 12 per cent of the vote in 1945. In Niagara Falls, it is true, the CCF had reached the 23 per cent mark in 1949 but in subsequent federal elections its support had steadily fallen off—to 15 per cent in the 1950 by-election, 12 per cent in 1953 and 10 per cent in 1958. Was it, then, the alliance of the CCF with organized labour, under the New Party banner, that had done the trick? Had organized labour so rallied its supporters behind the New Party candidate, particularly in Peterborough, as to make the vote practically a labour affair? Or was the New Party vote more evenly distributed across the two constituencies, with all classes participating more or less equally in it? What about the different age groups and sexes? Whatever the distribution, was the vote simply a protest against the governing party in Ottawa as seems so frequently to be the case in by-election returns? If simply a protest why had it gone New Party rather than Liberal or, in the case of Niagara Falls, why had it not gone even more Liberal? Did the personalities of the candidates make very much difference? Or were election issues and party policies more important than personalities? Finally, to what extent, if any, did the New Party vote reflect or presage a fundamental realignment of political forces?

This article argues that the granting of responsible government to Yukon in 1979 was not the inevitable outcome of territorial political development but the result of a protracted and organized settler political movement that emerged first in opposition to the federal government and, later, to Yukon's Indigenous peoples. I analyze settler actor political behaviour and outcomes using the framework of “contested colonialism.” Non-Indigenous Yukoners are understood as actors who simultaneously bring colonialism to the North while also contesting elements of that same colonial order. Using extensive archival research, I identify several critical junctures leading to the implementation of responsible government during the 1960s and 1970s.

This article takes an empirical measure of the extent to which feminism has altered the discipline of Political Science in Canada and Québec since the mid-1980s. The authors, members of the second cadre of female political scientists in the field of women and politics, single out for particular attention the current relation between anglophone and francophone feminist scholarship in the field. They maintain that the two linguistic solitudes remain fundamental to the women and politics field as much as was the case before the emergence of feminist perspectives in the discipline.

Reforms to campaign finance laws at the beginning of the twenty-first century led to concerns that Canadian political parties would become more centralized, thereby altering the stratarchical arrangement between local party organizations and the national party office. This article extends the period of analysis to 2008 and 2011. Although concerns were not unfounded, data reported in this article reveal that horizontal linkages developed between constituency associations in the Conservative Party of Canada, instead of downward money transfers from the national office. The article compares the Conservative party to its major competitors and explores three regional cases where these linkages are prevalent. Tobit regression is used to examine whether monetary transfers are coordinated by the central office or initiated by local constituency associations. Given weak evidence for the latter, the findings demonstrate that parties with a reliable base of support can leverage their campaign resources from one region into a national presence.

Fifty years ago, Canadian political science (CPS) debated whether there was an “Americanization problem” in the discipline. Today, the idea does not have the same force. This article revisits the debate by focusing on one of the main points of concerns: the doctoral training of CPS faculty. The article presents an original dataset of tenure and tenure-track faculty at CPS departments. It then provides analysis of where these tenure and tenure-track faculty received their doctorates, by sub-field and rank, paying particular attention to the country of doctoral training. Unlike fifty years ago, Canadian-trained scholars form a much larger share of the professoriate. There is no evidence of a trend towards more American-trained scholars among recent hires of assistant professors. However, the results also suggest a continuing status hierarchy between the two countries. It concludes by arguing that CPS needs to be more reflective about its position within this status hierarchy.

Abstract. This article uses the recent Canadian campaign seeking redress for the infamous “Chinese head tax” as a vantage point from which to consider whether recognition-seeking social movements are undermining the cause of egalitarian redistribution. Methodologically, the article seeks to complement the normative theorizing and conceptual model-making that have tended to characterize the “recognition versus redistribution” debate by focusing more concretely on the dynamics of an actual social movement campaign. The article demonstrates how this approach can help to identify important nuances in recognition campaigns that blanket claims about recognition's impact both ignore and serve to obscure.

Résumé. Cet article étudie la récente campagne canadienne cherchant la réparation dans les cas d'application de l'infâme taxe d'immigration aux Canadiens d'origine chinoise. Cette campagne offre l'opportunité pour étudier si les mouvements sociaux militant pour la reconnaissance des situations d'abus perpétrées par le passé sont en train d'éroder la cause de la redistribution égalitaire. D'un point de vue méthodologique, l'article essaie de compléter la théoretisation normative et le developpement de modèles conceptuels qui ont seulement pris en compte le débat dit “ de la reconnaissance versus la redistribution ”, en se concentrant plus sur l'étude de la dynamique d'une campagne sociale contemporaine. L'article montre le fait que cette approche peut aider à mettre en exergue d'importants nuances dans les campagnes dites “ de la reconnaissance ”, que des études plus generaux sur l'impact de la reconnaissance ignorent.

Most treatments of the problem of dirty hands in politics assume that merely holding a position of great political power will require a political actor to violate important moral standards. They assume that the successful political leader must inevitably be morally corrupted by the iniquitous choices that must inevitably be made, and, further, that this casts a shadow upon political life as a moral enterprise. This article argues, instead, that the conventional dirty hands problem is not particularly significant and that a much more serious test of the moral quality of public life in a given polity is how it makes its arrangements for formal public retrospection upon and judgment of the inevitable episodes of unwise, intemperate or immoral political action by leaders. In short, it is the deliberate corruption of democracy that should attract our scrutiny, not the condition of the soul of the supra-ethical or maverick leader.

Since 1964, federal electoral boundary readjustments have been the responsibility of independent commissions—one for each province and one for the Northwest Territories. The three redistributions completed to date under the new arrangements suggest that the commissions have increasingly accepted a substantial measure of intraprovincial population equality as the standard by which to define electoral boundaries. At the same time Parliament, in its debates and amendments to the Electoral Boundaries Readjustment Act, has urged commissions to move in the opposite direction by creating more, rather than fewer, electoral districts of unequal populations. These contrary positions derive from different views of what counts in determining electoral boundaries—territory or population. Drawing on American experience since Baker v. Carr (1962), Canadian courts may eventually be called upon to resolve the issue.

How did the Fathers of Canadian Confederation understand United States federalism? What lessons did they presume to draw from it and how did they apply them to the Confederation project? In this article, James Madison's comprehensive test of federalism, as set out in the thirty-ninth paper of The Federalist, is used as a tool to examine the Canadians' views of American federalism, particularly in relation to the questions of state sovereignty and the role of an upper chamber. The article suggests that their preoccupation with the threat of state sovereignty led them to concentrate on division of powers issues and, as a result, to pay little attention to the federal possibilities of a second chamber. And it concludes that, because they were working with a parliamentary model of government, not a republican one, these possibilities were not—and are not now—as promising as some political scientists suggest.

Abstract. In the last 20 years, the idea that the social realm is under threat of decline or collapse has been a central theme in academic literature and political analysis. In this short paper I explore the meaning of social decline and its relationship to multiculturalism and diversity. Using the twin notions of participation and trust as two key measures of social decline, I argue that participation has not so much declined over the last 40 years (as Robert Putnam, for example, has argued) as it has changed because of what I call the politics of the us's—groups historically oppressed (including women, ethnic and racialized minorities and gay, lesbian and disabled citizens) who have created new kinds of advocacy organizations in order to change the norms of civil society itself. I also argue that such changes (while often perceived as negative in relation to a transcendent “us”) are positive to the extent that they have made society more inclusive, respectful of diversity and just. Trust, on the other hand, has declined but, I argue, this is also due to the politics of diversity as the us's fought for change and other groups responded by defending traditional norms and values, often in the name of a transcendental us, creating a vicious circle of distrust as each side feels betrayed by the other's victories. Thus, I conclude, to understand social decline, in terms of participation and trust, we must pay attention not only to the us but also to the us's in civil society. The tendency, therefore, to champion a transcendent us in order to reverse social decline, as many scholars and politicians seem prone to do in recent years, not only ignores the us's but may foreclose on their hope for a future free from discrimination and hate.

Résumé. Au cours des vingt dernières années, l'idée que le champ social est menacé de déclin ou d'effondrement a été un thème central dans la littérature académique et l'analyse politique. Dans ce court article, j'explore la signification du déclin social et sa relation avec le multiculturalisme et la diversité. En utilisant les notions liées de participation et de confiance en tant que deux mesures principales du déclin social, j'avance que la participation n'a pas tellement diminué au cours des quarante dernières années (comme le soutient Robert Putnam, par exemple), mais qu'elle a plutôt changé en raison de ce que j'appelle la politique des nous – soit des groupes longtemps opprimés (comprenant les femmes, les minorités ethniques et racialisées, ainsi que les gais, les lesbiennes et les personnes handicapées) qui ont créé de nouveaux types d'organismes représentatifs afin de changer les normes de la société civile. Je soutiens également que de tels changements (souvent perçus négativement par rapport à un «nous» transcendant) sont positifs dans la mesure où ils ont permis à la société de devenir plus inclusive, plus respectueuse de la diversité et plus juste. D'autre part, la confiance a effectivement diminué, mais je soutiens que c'est également en raison de la politique de la diversité, car les nous ont lutté pour faire changer les choses et d'autres groupes ont réagi en défendant les normes et les valeurs traditionnelles, souvent au nom d'un «nous» transcendant – créant ainsi un cercle vicieux de méfiance où chaque côté se sent trahi par les victoires de l'autre. Je conclus donc que pour comprendre le déclin social, en termes de participation et de confiance, nous devons porter attention non seulement au «nous», mais également aux nous dans la société civile. Par conséquent, la tendance à prôner un «nous» transcendant afin de renverser le déclin social, comme le font plusieurs chercheurs et politiciens ces dernières années, en plus d'ignorer les nous, peut aussi éteindre leur espoir d'un avenir libre de discrimination et de haine.