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Setting the Environmental Agenda in Canada and the United States: The Cases of Dioxin and Radon*
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 10 November 2009
Abstract
This article uses the case of toxic substance regulation to examine the process of governmental agenda-setting. Two kinds of comparisons are employed: across-national comparison of Canada and the United States, and a comparison of two toxic substance controversies. In the case of dioxins from pulp mills, the issue emerged on the two Countries' agendas at approximately the same time. In contrast, the issue of indoor air pollution from radon reached the US regulatory agenda in 1986, but as of mid-1990 had yet to emerge as a significant regulatory issue in Canada. The comparative case analysis yields four major conclusions: (1) changes in science and technology can be important driving forces behind the emergence of an issue, but as necessary, not sufficient conditions for agenda-setting; (2) the interdependence of the two countries produces an interdependence of their regulatory agendas; (3) policy entrepreneurs play a fundamental role in forcing issues onto the governmental agenda; and (4) the incentives and influence of policy entrepreneurs is shaped by the institutional structures and political cultures of the two countries.
Résumé
Cet article évalue la formation de l' « agenda » politique en etudiant la réglementation des substances toxiques. Les auteurs comparent la reglementation de deux substances toxiques, la dioxine et la radon, au Canada et aux États-Unis. Le problème du rejet de la dioxine des moulins a papier est apparu simultane merit dans les deux pays. Au contraire, les risques d'exposition au radon ont atteint l'agenda des offices de réglementation américains en 1986 alors qu'en 1990, ils n'avaient pas encore attiré l'attention des offices canadiens. Quatre conclusions se dégagent de cette étude: (1) les changements dans la science et la technologie peuvent mener á l'émergence d'un enjeu mais ces éléments sont insuffisants en soi quoique nécessaires; (2) l'interdépendance des deux pays conduit à l'interdépendance de leur agenda de réglementation; (3) les entrepreneurs en politiques publiques jouent un rôle fondamental dans la mise á l'agenda des problémes; (4) les institutions et les cultures politiques des deux pays façonnent à la fois les stimuli et l'influence de ces entrepreneurs.
- Type
- Research Article
- Information
- Canadian Journal of Political Science/Revue canadienne de science politique , Volume 24 , Issue 1 , March 1991 , pp. 3 - 27
- Copyright
- Copyright © Canadian Political Science Association (l'Association canadienne de science politique) and/et la Société québécoise de science politique 1991
References
1 The most prominent studies have been Cobb, Robert W. and Elder, Charles D., Participation in American Politics: The Dynamics of Agenda Building (Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1972)Google Scholar; Nelson, Barbara, Making an Issue of Child Abuse: Political Agenda-Setting for Social Problems (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984)Google Scholar; and Kingdon, John, Agendas, Alternatives, and Public Policies (Boston: Little-Brown, 1984)Google Scholar. Agenda-setting is given prominence in the basic US texts on public policy, for example, Jones, Charles O., An Introduction to the Study of Public Policy (3rd ed.; Monterey, California: Brooks/Cole, 1984)Google Scholar, and Peters, Charles, American Public Policy: Promise and Performance (2nd ed.; Chatham, N.J.: Chatham House Publishers, 1986)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
2 None of the major Canadian policy texts includes systematic discussions of agenda-setting. See Brooks, Stephen, Public Policy in Canada: An Introduction (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1989)Google Scholar; Atkinson, Michael and Chandler, Marsha, eds., The Politics of Canadian Public Policy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1983)Google Scholar; and Doern, Bruce and Phidd, Richard, Canadian Public Policy (Toronto: Methuen, 1983)Google Scholar. A partial exemption is Doern and Phidd's chapter on priority-setting, but it focusses exclusively on prime ministers and is not tied to the broader literature on agenda-setting. Also, Stanbury's, W. T.Business-Government Relations in Canada (Toronto: Methuen, 1987)Google Scholar, reviews some of the agenda-setting literature, but is pre-occupied with “issue management” from a business perspective. One major exception is Bruce Doern's The Politics of Risk, a study prepared for the Royal Commission on Matters of Health and Safety Arising from the Use of Asbestos in Ontario, January 1982. However, Doern does not refer to the literature on agenda-setting.
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10 Ibid.
11 Laboratory tests have found guinea pigs to be thousands of times more sensitive to 2,3,7,8-TCDD than hamsters. See Lowrance, William W., Interpretive Summary of the Symposium, in Lowrance, William W., ed., “Public Health Risks of the Dioxins,”Proceedings of a Symposium held in New York City, Life Sciences and Public Policy Program of the Rockefeller University,October 19–20, 1983 (New York: Rockefeller University, 1984), 3–15.Google Scholar
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36 Letter from Alex McBride, EPA, to Patricia K. Hill, API, January 13, 1987, reproduced in Van Strum and Merrell, No Margin of Safety, X-8.
37 Interestingly, one of the only mentions of the ongoing study prior to release of the results in September 1987 was contained in an Ontario Ministry of Environment press release in July 1986, which noted that an “intensive in-mill sampling program, designed to pinpoint the source of dioxin, has been initiated by the U.S. EPA and the pulp and paper industry.… The results of this 10 month long study will be applicable to Ontario mills.” See Ontario Ministry of Environment, “Dioxin Test Results from Ontario Pulp and Paper Mills,” July 17, 1986, reproduced in Van Strum and Merrell, No Margin of Safety, X-14.
38 Van Strum and Merrell, No Margin of Safety, at VI-1.
39 API hired a public relations firm to formulate a strategy to deal with the anticipated public reaction to the dioxin issue, and offered training for company representatives. See Noble, Kimberly, “Pulp, Paper Mills Linked to Dioxin Contamination,” Globe and Mail, 10 14, 1987, B4Google Scholar.
40 The ministry issued a press release, “Ministry Testing Rainy River Fish for Dioxins,” in October 1985.
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42 Ontario Ministry of Environment, Press Release, “Dioxin Test Results from Ontario Pulp and Paper Mills,” July 17, 1986.
43 Personal communication.
44 Noble, “Pulp, Paper Mills Linked to Dioxin Contamination.”
45 Ferguson, “Low Levels of Dioxins Found in Diapers, Food Containers.”
46 Kingdon, Agendas, 81.
47 For a review of available control techniques, see U.S. Congress, Office of Technology Assessment, Technologies for Reducing Dioxin in the Manufacture of Bleached Wood Pulp, OTA-BP-0-54, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 1989.
48 See Canadian Pulp and Paper Association press release, November 1, 1988.
49 Of course, Health and Welfare Canada's statements reflecting certainty that levels below 20 ppt 2,3,7,8-TCDD are “safe” could simply reflect uncertainty about the safety of levels above 20 ppt, rather than equal certainty that such levels are “unsafe.” However, Health and Welfare's statements assuring the public of absolute safety did not invite sophisticated public debate about the implications of scientific uncertainty.
50 For a recent review of the evidence, see Committee on the Biological Effects of Ionizing Radiation, National Research Council, Health Risks of Radon and Other Internally Deposited Alpha-Emitters (Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press, 1988)Google ScholarPubMed.
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55 U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, A Citizen's Guide to Radon, OPA-86–004, August 1986.
56 Krimsky and Plough, Environmental Hazards, 140–41.
57 U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, Radon Reduction Methods: A Homeowner's Guide, OPA-86-005, August 1986. Its public information efforts were further supported by a special radon issue of the agency's public interest periodical, The EPA Journal, published in August 1986.
58 New York Times, August 5, 1987, 14.
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60 Congress was particularly concerned that “the public is made aware of the risks that remain at levels below 4 picocuries per liter” (U.S. Code Congressional and Administrative News, 1988, 3618–19).
61 The agency estimated that 10 per cent of all American homes have radon levels higher than the 4 pCi/1 action level, with some areas having considerably higher levels. For instance, 70 per cent of the homes tested in the state of Iowa had levels higher than the action levels (Environment Reporter, October 27, 1989, 1127–28).
62 “Invisible Menace,” Maclean's, October 29, 1984, 16. This story was only one paragraph long.
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76 This figure is equivalent to a lifetime risk of 1 in 100. Canada banned the pesticide alachlor in 1988, when excess lifetime cancer risk was projected to between 1 in 1,000 and 1 in 10,000.
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89 This strategy, however, was less effective in diffusing conflict in the dioxin case because of the aggressiveness of entrepreneurs in Canada. Where entrepreneurship is lacking, as in the radon case, the strategy can be much more effective.
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