¹ The best bibliography concerning these subjects is found in Altbach, Philip G., Select Bibliography on Students, Politics, and Higher Education (Cambridge, Mass., 1967)Google Scholar. See also Dœdalus, 97 (Winter 1968), Students and Politics; Lipset, S. M., ed., Student Politics (New York, 1967)Google Scholar; Lipset, S. M. and Wolin, Sheldon S., eds., The Berkeley Student Revolt: Facts and Interpretations (Garden City, NY, 1965)Google Scholar; Keniston, Kenneth, The Uncommitted: Alienated Youth in American Society (New York, 1965)Google Scholar, and The New Radicals: Notes on Committed Youth (New York, 1968); Cohen, Mitchell and Hall, Dennis, eds., The New Student Left: An Anthology (Boston, 1966)Google Scholar; Bay, Christian, “Political and Apolitical Students: Facts in search of Theory,” Journal of Social Issues, Fall 1967Google Scholar; Middleton, Russell, “Student Rebellion against Parental Political Beliefs,” Social Forces, May 1963Google Scholar; Flacks, Richard, “The Liberated Generation: An Exploration on the Roots of Student Protest,” Journal of Social Issues, Fall 1967.Google Scholar

² Communism, Conformity, and Civil Liberties (New York, 1966), 277.

³ Ibid., 142.

⁴ Ibid., 91.

⁵ «Determinants of Support for Civil Liberties,” reprinted in Lipset and Wolin, The Berkeley Student Revolt, 494–518.

⁶ Lazarsfeld, Paul F. and Thielens, Wagner Jr., The Academic Mind (Glencoe, Ill., 1958).Google Scholar

⁷ “Determinants of Support for Civil Liberties,” 500.

⁸ Only the study by Newcomb, Theodore M. of an atypical, small college in the 1930s followed a group of students through their college careers. Personality and Social Change (Dryden, NY, 1943).Google Scholar

⁹ “Determinants of Support for Civil Liberties,” 503.

¹⁰ Ibid., 511.

¹¹ “American research findings suggest that there is congruence between the characteristic political orientation of different disciplines and the political beliefs of entering students who plan to major in them. Conservatives are more likely to study engineering or business, and liberals the humanities and social sciences. Such selection reflects the extent to which varying political orientations influence students to opt for different career goals. Leftists, particularly those from well-to-do and well-educated families, are inclined to favor academic fields concerned with social and political issues or careers in the arts, social work, scholarship, and public service. Academic ecology, the social environment in which a student happens to find himself by virtue of his choice of university or academic field, tends to be more important than his class background in affecting his opinions.” Lipset, S. M., “Students and Politics in Comparative Perspective,” Dœdalus, 97 (Winter 1968), 5.Google Scholar

¹² “Determinants of Support for Civil Liberties,” 508, 511, 516.

¹³ For example, see Brant, Irving, The Bill of Rights: Its Origin and Meaning (New York, 1965).Google Scholar

¹⁴ The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations (Boston, 1963).

¹⁵ Civil Liberties in Canada (London, 1964).

¹⁶ The following universities were represented in the sample: Acadia, New Brunswick, Sir George Williams, McGill, Queen's, Ottawa, Brock, Toronto, McMaster, Western Ontario, Manitoba, Alberta, and British Columbia.

¹⁷ We are more interested in this study in testing analytical relationships than in making inferences about the total population of post-high school students in Canada. The sample does not have proportional representation for each geographic area of the country. In terms of the total population of English-speaking university students in Canada, the western part of the country is overrepresented in the sample and Quebec and the Maritimes are under-represented.

No attempt was made in this study to question French-speaking students. There were several reasons for this: the author felt he did not know enough about student politics in Quebec to develop a reliable and valid questionnaire on a judgmental basis for French-speaking students; also the financial limitations of the study did not permit translating a questionnaire into French and coding the responses. An important continuation of the present study would be to compare attitudes towards civil liberties between French-speaking and other university students in Canada, controlling for ethnic group, religion, and social class of the students.

¹⁸ Only if a respondent gave a libertarian response was it counted in summating his total libertarian score. In effect this procedure tabulated all “don't know” and “no answer” responses as “not libertarian.” This means that the libertarianism of some respondents may be underestimated. On all but five items, “don't know” and “no answer” responses accounted for only 10 per cent or less of the responses. It was felt that it was better to include a “don't know” response in the question rather than force the respondent to agree or disagree, which might have misrepresented the saliency of the item for him.

¹⁹ Only one of the items in Table III – the one dealing with free speech for communists – was included in the fourteen-item index used in this study.

²⁰ Johnson, , Benton, , “Ascetic Protestantism and Political Preference,” Public Opinion Quarterly, 26 (Spring 1962), 35–46.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²¹ Respondents were asked nine questions, some of them closed questions, some open-ended. These included: “How often do you have informal discussions about political topics with your parents or other relatives?” “Have you ever participated in a march or demonstration on any issue?” “Have you ever worked in a political campaign in any capacity?” and “Have you ever held a leadership position in a political club, association, or group on or off campus?” The respondent was given one point for any response which indicated political action on each item. The scores were grouped into four categories: “no political activity” (0 points), “low political activity” (1–3 points), “moderate political activity” (4–6 points), “high political activity” (7–9 points).

²² Political efficacy was based on a four-item scale in which the respondent could state on a five-point continuum “strong agreement” to “strong disagreement” on each item. It was adopted from Campbell's scale in Angus Campbell, Gurin, Gerald, and Miller, Warren, The Voter Decides (Evanston, Ill., 1954)Google Scholar. For a detailed discussion of the concept of “sense of political efficacy,” see pp. 187–94 of this work. Where this scale was dichotomized in the present research a score of 0–2 was considered “low,” a score of 3 or 4 was called “high” sense of political efficacy.

²³ “Determinants of Support for Civil Liberties,” 503.

²⁴ Ibid., 511.

²⁵ “Professional, Scientific and Intellectual Students in India,” in Lipset, Student Politics, 357–71.

²⁶ “Determinants of Support for Civil Liberties,” 511.

²⁷ “Political and Apolitical Students.” Some writers have used “reference group” theories to explain the “liberalizing” effect of college education. Newcomb, in Personality and Social Change, uses this as the most important explanatory variable.