Published online by Cambridge University Press: 01 January 2020
The central purpose of this paper is to examine the case for political authority, i.e., the argument for having political authority rather than for having none. Thus, the case for political authority is the case against anarchism. My construction of that case owes much, no doubt, to observations made long ago by Thomas Hobbes and john locke. Nevertheless, these observations have never been stated in a satisfactory and systematic fashion, not even by Hobbes and locke themselves. Hobbes’ observations have, more often than not, been misunderstood, and those of locke have generally been overlooked. However, this paper is not intended to be an exercise in the history of political philosophy. Rather, it is an assessment of a philosophical thesis, namely, that political authority is essential to man's survival and well-being. Although this thesis is rarely contested and, in fact, borders on the commonplace, it is contestable. Moreover, since disenchantment with authority and how it is exercised is growing, an examination of how men are likely to fare in its absence is appropriate. Such an examination is complex, but it is not impossible.
1 I am indebted to W. D. Falk, with whom I have discussed this topic on numerous occasions. John King-Farlow and David L. Mosher made many helpful suggestions. The Canada Council and the University of Toronto generously provided research grants.
2 Hobbes, Thomas Leviathan, ed. Oakeshott, Michael (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1960), Part I, chap. xiii, p.82.Google Scholar
3 Ibid., chap. xiv, p. 86.
4 Ibid., chap. xiii, p. 81.
5 Ibid.
6 The paradigm case of preemptive war is a case of A's having committed the first hostile and violent act directly against B, where B had been preparing to do the same to A and where A had good evidence to that effect. On this view, ‘preemptive war’ is a descriptive concept, not a normative one. Consequently, the question of whether preemptive war is ever justifiable is a question which cannot be decided merely by conceptual analysis. There are, of course, many borderline cases of preemptive war which almost imperceptibly become more akin to “offensive war” in contradistinction to “defensive war.” I do not wish to gloss over the difficulties both in clarifying and sharply distinguishing those three types of warfare. However, the above paradigm of preemptive war adequately conveys what I am speaking about when I use that term.
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8 Ibid., chap. xi, p. 64.
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12 Ibid., chap. ii, par. 5, pp. 310–311, quoting Richard Hooker The Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity, Bk. i, chap. viii, sec. 7.
13 Ibid., chap. ix, par. 131, p. 398.
14 Ibid., chap. ii, par. 13, p. 316; chap. iii, par. 21, p. 323; chap. ix, par. 123, p. 395.
15 Ibid., chap. iii, par. 16, p. 319; see also chap. ii, par. 6, p. 311; chap. iii, par. 19, p. 321; chap. xviii, par. 207, pp. 451–452.
16 Ibid., chap. ii, par. 8, pp. 312–313; see also, par. 7, p. 312.
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24 Ibid., p. 64.
25 Hobbes, Leviathan, Part I, chap. xiv, p. 89.Google Scholar
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27 Baier, Kurt The Moral Point of View: A Rational Basis of Ethics (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1958), p. 309.Google Scholar
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