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Cognate Objects in Russian: Is the Notion “Cognate” Relevant for Syntax?

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 June 2016

Asya Pereltsvaig
Asya Pereltsvaig*
Affiliation:
McGill University
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Abstract

This article is concerned with cognate objects (COs) in Russian, of which there are shown to be two types. Only one type of CO exhibits argument properties, while the other type is shown to pattern with predicative nominals. Furthermore, it is argued that the two types of COs pattern with non-cognate nominals with the same function. It is therefore proposed to analyze argument COs on a par with their non-cognate counterparts as thematic direct objects, checking their accusative case in the specifier of Aspect Phrase. In contrast, the non-argument COs are analyzed as secondary predicates over the event argument projected by the main predicate of the clause. Finally, it is argued that a narrow, English-based definition of a CO (i.e., based on zero affixation) cannot be applied to other languages with richer derivational morphology. Yet, once the definition is widened to include all nominals based on the same root as the verb, it is concluded that being cognate is not relevant for the theory of syntax and must therefore be relegated to the morphological component of the language.

Résumé

Résumé

Cet article examine deux types d’objets apparentés (OA) (Cognate Objects) en russe. Seulement un de ces types d’OA possède les caractéristiques d’un argument tandis que l’autre se comporte comme un nominal prédicatif. Il est proposé que les deux types d’OA se comportent comme les nominaux non-apparentés qui ont la même fonction. On peut donc analyser les OA qui ont des caractéristiques d’argument comme des objets directs thématiques qui vérifient leur cas accusatif dans le spécifieur du syntagme aspectuel, tout comme les nominaux non-apparentés qui ont la même fonction. Par contre, les OA qui ne possèdent pas les caractéristiques d’un argument doivent être analysés comme des prédicats secondaires qui portent sur l’argument d’événement projeté par le prédicat principal. Enfin, il est argué qu’une définition restrictive des OA se basant sur l’anglais (c’est-à-dire fondée sur l’affixation d’un morphème nul) ne s’applique pas aux langues dont la morphologie dérivationnelle est plus riche. Si l’on reformule la définition pour tenir compte des nominaux dont la racine est la même que celle du verbe, on remarque que le fait d’être apparenté n’est pas pertinent pour la théorie syntaxique et que ce concept relève plutôt de la composante morphologique.

Type
Articles
Information
Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique , Volume 44 , Issue 3 , September 1999 , pp. 267 - 291
Copyright
Copyright © Canadian Linguistic Association 1999

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