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Minimaliser les dépendances Aʹ : résomptifs vs lacunes

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 January 2017

Victor Junnan Pan*
Affiliation:
LLF-UMR 7110, CNRS & Université Paris Diderot-Paris 7

Résumé

Cet article étudie la dérivation de deux types de dépendances Aʹ – les relatives et les structures à dislocation à gauche – dans le cadre du programme minimaliste. Le mandarin montre qu'une relative contenant soit un pronom résomptif soit une lacune et une dislocation à lacune sont dérivées par l'opération Accorder et sont soumises aux contraintes de localité et qu'une dislocation résomptive est dérivée par Match sans conditions d’îlot. «Transferts multiples» et « épellations multiples » sont légitimés dans les dépendances établies par Accorder mais pas dans celles dérivées par Match. Le choix du mécanisme dérivationnel dépend de l'interprétabilité des traits formels attachés à la sonde ainsi qu’à la cible dans une dépendance Aʹ.

Abstract

This paper examines the derivation of two types of A′-dependencies – relatives and Left-Dislocation structures – in the framework of the Minimalist Program. Based on Mandarin data, I will argue that a relative clause containing either a gap or a resumptive pronoun (RP) and a left-dislocation (LD) structure with gap are derived by Agree and are subject to the locality condition, whereas a resumptive LD structure is derived by Match – an island-free operation not subject to the locality constraint. Multiple Transfer and multiple Spell-Out are possible in an Agree chain, but not in a Matching chain. The choice of derivational mechanism depends on the interpretability of the formal features attached to the Probe and to the Goal in the relevant A′-dependencies.

Type
Articles
Copyright
© Canadian Linguistic Association/Association canadienne de linguistique 2017 

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