Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-t8hqh Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-26T14:04:34.508Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Diachronic split and phoneme borrowing in Resígaro (Arawakan)

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  19 March 2018

Fernando O. de Carvalho
Fernando O. de Carvalho*
Affiliation:
Universidade Federal do Amapá
*
[email protected]
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

This paper examines a previously identified but so far imprecisely defined split in the historical phonology of Resígaro (Arawakan). I argue that this development was a simple case of allophonic redistribution or primary split, in which word-final allophones of *a merged with ɯ. However, comparative data offers no evidence for the existence of ɯ before the operation of the split in question. This apparent paradox can be resolved by the plausible hypothesis that ɯ entered the language via the massive influx of morphemes from Bora, an unrelated language of the Bora-Muinane family. Only after that were some contextual allophones of *a merged with ɯ. This is the first solidly justified case of loan phonology in Resígaro and it provides further support to the hypothesis that Bora influence on Resígaro is not a result of the language's obsolescent status.

Résumé

Cet article examine une scission précédemment identifiée mais jusqu'ici imprécise dans la phonologie historique du Resígaro (Arawakan). Je soutiens que ce développement est un simple cas de redistribution allophonique ou de scission primaire, dans lequel les allophones de *a en position finale ont fusionné avec ɯ. Cependant, les données comparatives n'offrent aucune preuve de l'existence de ɯ avant l'opération de la scission en question. Cet apparent paradoxe peut être résolu par l'hypothèse plausible voulant que ɯ est entré dans la langue via l'afflux important de morphèmes du Bora, une langue non apparentée de la famille Bora-Muinane. C'est seulement par la suite que certains allophones contextuels de *a ont été fusionnés avec ɯ. C'est le premier cas convenablement justifié de la phonologie de prêt en Resígaro et il fournit un soutien supplémentaire à l'hypothèse que l'influence du Bora sur le Resígaro n'est pas le résultat du statut obsolescent de ce dernier.

Keywords

Sound changecontactloan phonologyArawakan languagesChangement phonologiquecontactphonologie de prêtlangues arawakan
Type
Article
Information
Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique , Volume 63 , Issue 3 , September 2018 , pp. 339 - 358
Copyright
© Canadian Linguistic Association/Association canadienne de linguistique 2018 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

I am grateful for the comments and observations of three anonymous reviewers. Their contributions have improved this paper in many ways; all remaining shortcomings are my own.

References

Adelaar, Willem. 2007. The Quechua impact in Amuesha, an Arawakan language of the Peruvian Amazon. In Grammars in contact: A cross-linguistic typology, ed. Aikhenvald, Alexandra and Dixon, R. M. W., 290–312. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Adelaar, Willem, and Muysken, Pieter. 2004. The languages of the Andes. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Aikhenvald, Alexandra. 1998. Warekena. In Handbook of Amazonian languages, Vol. IV, ed. Derbyshire, Desmond and Pullum, Geoffrey K., 225–439. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.Google Scholar
Aikhenvald, Alexandra. 1999. The Arawak language family. In The Amazonian Languages, ed. Dixon, R.M.W. and Aikhenvald, Alexandra, 65–106. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Aikhenvald, Alexandra. 2001. Dicionário Tariana-Português, Português-Tariana. Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi, Série Antropologia 17 (1). Belém, Brazil.Google Scholar
Aikhenvald, Alexandra. 2003. A grammar of Tariana. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Allin, Trevor. 1976. A grammar of Resígaro. Doctoral dissertation, University of St. Andrews.Google Scholar
Allin, Trevor. 1979. Vocabulario Resígaro. Instituto Lingüístico de Verano (ILV).Google Scholar
Aschmann, Richard. 1993. Proto-Witotoan. Arlington, TX: SIL and University of Texas.Google Scholar
Campbell, Lyle. 1997. American Indian languages: The historical linguistics of Native America. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Campbell, Lyle. 2012. Classification of the Indigenous languages of South America. In The Indigenous languages of South America. A comprehensive guide, ed. Campbell, Lyle and Grondona, Verónica, 59–166. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton.Google Scholar
de Carvalho, Fernando O. 2015. On the realization of nominal possession in Mehinaku: A diachronic account. International Journal of American Linguistics 81(1): 119–132.Google Scholar
van Coetsem, Frans. 1988. Loan phonology and the two transfer types in language contact. Dordrecht: Foris.Google Scholar
Danielsen, Swintha, Dunn, Michael, and Muysken, Pieter. 2011. The spread of the Arawakan languages: A view from Structural Phylogenetics. In Ethnicity in ancient Amazonia: Reconstructing past identities from archaeology, linguistics and ethnohistory, ed. Hornborg, Alf and Hill, Jonathan D., 173–196. Boulder: University Press of Colorado.Google Scholar
Escobar, Rosa A. 2000. Aproximación a la fonología del Bora [Approach to Bora phonology]. In Lenguas Indígenas de Colombia: Una visión descriptiva [Indigenous languages of Colombia: A descriptive vision], ed. González de Pérez, María S. and Rodríguez de Montes, María E., 243–251. Bogotá: Instituto Caro y Cuervo.Google Scholar
Fox, Anthony. 1995. Linguistic reconstruction. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Hoenigswald, Henry. 1960. Language change and linguistic reconstruction. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Hoenigswald, Henry. 1992. Comparative method, internal reconstruction, typology. In Reconstructing languages and cultures, ed. Polomé, Edgar C. and Winger, Werner, 23–34. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.Google Scholar
de Klumpp, Deloris. 1982. La palabra fonologica en Piapoco [The phonological word in Piapoco]. Artículos en lingüística y campos afines, 85–98. Bogotá: Instituto Lingüístico de Verano (ILV).Google Scholar
de Klumpp, Deloris. 1995. Vocabulario Piapoco-Español. Bogotá: Instituto Lingüístico de Verano (ILV).Google Scholar
Lemus Serrano, Magdalena. 2016. Observations sociolinguistiques et description phonologique du Yukuna. Mémoire de maîtrise, Université Lumière Lyon 2.Google Scholar
Marchand, Denis. 1956. Internal reconstruction of phonemic split. Language 32(2): 245–253.Google Scholar
Matras, Yaron. 2007. The borrowability of structural categories. In Grammatical borrowing in cross-linguistic perspective, ed. Matras, Yaron and Sakel, Jeanette, 31–73. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.Google Scholar
Matras, Yaron. 2009. Language contact. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Meléndez Lozano, Miguel Ángel. 1998. La lengua Achagua: Estudio gramatical [The Achagua language: Grammatical study]. Bogotá: Universidad de los Andes.Google Scholar
Meléndez Lozano, Miguel Ángel. 2011. Diccionario Achagua-Español, Español-Achagua [Achagua-Spanish, Spanish-Achaguq Dictionary]. Bogotá: Universidad de los Andes.Google Scholar
Mosonyi, Esteban E. 2000. Introducción al análisis del idioma Baniva [Introduction to the analysis of the Baniva language]. In Lenguas Indígenas de Colombia: Una visión descriptiva [Indigenous languages of Colombia: A descriptive vision], ed. González de Pérez, María S. and Rodríguez de Montes, María E., 499–513. Bogotá: Instituto Caro y Cuervo.Google Scholar
Payne, David. 1985. The genetic classification of Resígaro. International Journal of American Linguistics 51(2): 222–231.Google Scholar
Payne, David. 1991. A classification of Maipuran (Arawakan) languages based on shared lexical retentions. In Handbook of Amazonian languages, Vol. III, ed. Derbyshire, Desmond and Pullum, Geoffrey K., 355–499. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.Google Scholar
Ramirez, Henri. 2001a. Uma gramática do Baniwa do Içana [A grammar of Baniwa do Içana]. Ms., Universidade Federal do Amazonas.Google Scholar
Ramirez, Henri. 2001b. Línguas Arawak da Amazônia Setentrional: Comparação e Descrição [Arawakan languages of the Northern Amazon: Comparison and Description]. Manaus: EDUA.Google Scholar
Reinoso, Galindo, Andrés, E. 2002. Elementos para una gramática de la lengua Piapoco [Elements for a grammar of the Piapoco language]. Bogotá: Ministerio de Cultura.Google Scholar
Sakel, Jeanette. 2007. Types of loan: Matter and pattern. In Grammatical borrowing in cross-linguistic perspective, ed. Matras, Yaron and Sakel, Jeanette, 15–29. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.Google Scholar
Schauer, Stanley, and Schauer, Junia. 1978. Una Gramática del Yucuna. In Artículos en lingüística y campos afines, ed. Fetter, Shirley, 1–52. Bogotá: Instituto Lingüístico de Verano (ILV).Google Scholar
Schauer, Stanley, Schauer, Junia, Yucuna, Eladio, and Yucuna, Walter. 2005. Diccionario bilingüe Yukuna–Español, Español–Yukuna [Bilingual Yukuna–Spanish, Spanish–Yukuna dictionary]. Bogotá: Editorial Buena Semilla.Google Scholar
Seifart, Frank. 2011. Bora loans in Resígaro (Arawakan): Massive morphological and little lexical borrowing in a moribund language and its time depth. Cadernos de Etnolingüística, Série Monografias 2.Google Scholar
Seifart, Frank. 2012a. Causative marking in Resígaro (Arawakan): A descriptive and comparative perspective. International Journal of American Linguistics 78(3): 369–384.Google Scholar
Seifart, Frank. 2012b. The principle of morphosyntactic subsytem integrity in language contact: Evidence from morphological borrowing in Resígaro (Arawakan). Diachronica 29(4): 471–504.Google Scholar
Seifart, Frank. 2015. Tracing social history from synchronic linguistic and ethnographic data: The prehistory of Resígaro contact with Bora. Mundo Amazonico 6(1): 97–110.Google Scholar
Seifart, Frank, and Echeverri, Juan A.. 2015. Proto-Bora-Muinane. LIAMES 15(2): 279–311.Google Scholar
Seki, Lucy. 1999. The Upper Xingu as an incipient linguistic area. In The Amazonian languages, ed. Dixon, R. M. W. and Aikhenvald, Alexandra, 417–430. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
de Souza, Erick Marcelo L. 2012. Estudo fonológico da língua Baniwa-Kurripako [Phonological study of the Baniwa-Kurripako language]. Master's thesis, UNICAMP.Google Scholar
Sudo, Timothy. 1976. Fonología del Piapoco [Piapoco phonology]. Sistemas fonológicos de Idiomas Colombianos, III, 7–13. Bogotá: Instituto Lingüístico de Verano (ILV).Google Scholar
Thomason, Sarah. 2001. Language contact: An introduction. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.Google Scholar
Thomason, Sarah. 2010. Contact explanations in linguistics. In The handbook of language contact, ed. Hickey, Raymon, 31–47. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell.Google Scholar
Thomason, Sarah G. and Terrence, Kaufman 1988. Language contact, creolization, and genetic linguistics. Berkeley: University of California Press.Google Scholar
Wilson, Peter J. 1992. Una descripción preliminar de la gramatica del Achagua (Arawak) [A preliminary description of the grammar of Achagua (Arawak)]. Bogotá: Instituto Lingüístico de Verano (ILV).Google Scholar
Winford, Donald. 2010. Contact and borrowing. In The handbook of language contact, ed. Hickey, Raymond, 170–187. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell.Google Scholar
Zamponi, Raoul. 2003. Maipure. München: LINCOM Europa.Google Scholar