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Control and Thematic Agreement

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 June 2016

Jila Ghomeshi*
Affiliation:
University of Manitoba

Abstract

In this article it is shown that Persian has core control constructions in which the obligatorily empty subject of an embedded clause takes its reference from an antecedent in the next higher clause. Evidence is provided that these embedded clauses are relatively transparent for scrambling and lack independent tense. It is therefore argued that core control verbs in Persian take complements that lack CP, TP, and a Case position for their subjects. Control complements do manifest subject agreement, however, suggesting that agreement checking takes place within vP. The implications of this view are explored with respect to the periphrastic progressive construction, in which both the auxiliary and the main verb bear subject agreement, and raising constructions, in which preposed subjects do not trigger agreement on the matrix verb. The relevant contrast is presented in minimalist terms as the idea that agreement in Persian is checked within a strong phase (CP or vP).

Résumé

Résumé

Cet article montre que le persan possède des constructions à contrôle dans lesquelles le sujet vide de la phrase enchâssée obtient sa référence d’un antécédent dans la phrase matrice. Il est démontré que ces phrases enchâssées sont relativement transparentes en ce qui concerne le «scrambling» et ne possèdent pas de temps indépendant. Il est argumenté que les verbes à contrôle du persan sélectionnent des compléments sans structure CP, TP ou position casuelle pour leurs sujets. Ces compléments manifestent toutefois un accord avec le sujet, ce qui suggère que la vérification de l’accord se produit dans vP. Les implications de cette analyse sont examinées en ce qui a trait à la construction progressive périphrastique, dans laquelle l’auxiliaire et le verbe principal s’accordent tous deux avec le sujet, et dans les constructions à montée, dans lesquelles les sujets préposés ne déclenchent pas l’accord sur le verbe principal. Ce contraste est présenté en termes minimalistes comme découlant du fait que l’accord en persan est vérifié à l’intérieur d’une phase forte («strong phase»), c’est-à-dire CP ou vP.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Canadian Linguistic Association 2001

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