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When Silence Is no Longer Acquiescence: Gays and Lesbians under Canadian Law
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 18 July 2014
Abstract
This paper shows the role of the courts in the advancement of gay and lesbian rights to be restricted to intervening when three conditions are present: after legislation has been felt by minority groups to be deficient; where stating principles rather than implementing them is involved, and when legislative modification is difficult to achieve because amendment of a rigid constitution is out of question, or in parts of the country where political conservatism has a similar effect. Decisions are grounded on equality, while other values put forward by gays and lesbians such as dignity, recognition, respect of identity and difference and social concerns will be endorsed only by dissenting judges, unless the majority is sure that their mention will have no practical consequence. However, this modest victory was not achieved at the cost of representing gays' and lesbians' interests or values as common with those of the dominant heterosexual majority. On the contrary it seems that the affirmation of the “right to difference,” centered on diversity, and the openness of this constructed identity might have led to a chain reaction starting with the evolution of public opinion as a consequence of lobbying and education by the gay/lesbian community, proceeding to create a new balance of power, more favourable to the gay/lesbian minority, and finally reaching more respect from courts and legislatures alike.
Résumé
L'article porte sur l'intégration des valeurs minoritaires dans le droit constitutionnel canadien, par la voie judiciaire aussi bien que législative. L'analyse des décisions de la Cour suprême relatives aux gais et lesbiennes permet de conclure que cette intégration dépend principalement de trois facteurs: l'introduction de recours suite au constat par cette minorité de l'inadéquation de la législation; la difficulté de modification législative dans le double contexte de rigidité constitutionnelle et de conservatisme de certaines législatures, et le respect de deux conditions: l'affirmation de ces valeurs minoritaires ne doit pas alourdir le fardeau financier de l'État ni mettre en péril les valeurs fétiches que la majorité dominante n'accepterait sous aucun prétexte de voir contrarier. Ces décisions sont fondées presqu'exclusivement sur l'égalité, alors que les autres valeurs prônées par les gais et lesbiennes comme la dignité, la reconnaissance, le respect de l'identité et de la différence ou les préoccupations sociales sont reléguées au discours des juges minoritaires dissidents, sauf quand la majorité est convaincue que leur mention n'aura aucun effet concret. Cependant, contrairement à notre hypothèse, ces modestes gains n'ont pas été obtenus au prix d'une représentation homogénisante des intérêts et des valeurs des gais et des lesbiennes, insistant sur leurs traits communs avec ceux de la majorité. Au contraire, il semble que l'affirmation d'un droit à la différence, axée sur la diversité et l'ouverture de cette identité construite, ait suscité une réaction en chaine où l'évolution de l'opinion publique conséquente au lobbying et à l'éducation populaire entrepris par la communauté gaie et lesbienne aurait entrainé à son tour un nouveau rapport de forces, plus favorable à cette minorité et, finalement, un plus grand respect de la part des tribunaux et des législatures.
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References
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6. The findings analysed in this paper are partial results of a research project bearing not only on gays and lesbians but on other minority (aboriginals) or marginalized (women) groups. It aims to understand the process of value selection in the context of judicial interpretation of open-ended legal wording and concepts.
7. See Appendix I for guidelines followed by the interviewer.
8. See Appendix II for the list and its justification.
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29. This technique, quite common in statutory interpretation, implies reading a disposition as if it expressly mentioned some words that are deemed to be implicit in it. By extension, in constitutional context, the technique has been used to write into the statute some words that the Constitution—as judicially interpreted—mandates should be found there because the legislature is presumed not to have intended to infringe the Constitution.
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53. Member of the (provincial) Legislative Assembly.
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58. We were writing these comments on June 4. Four days later, a motion was tabled in the Commons by two Reform M.P.s to the effect “that, in the opinion of this House, it is necessary, in the light of the public debate around recent court decisions, to state that marriage is and should remain the union of one man and one woman to the exclusion of all others, and that Parliament will take all necessary steps within the jurisdiction of the Parliament of Canada to preserve this definition of marriage in Canada.” After the Justice Minister had included the words printed in italic as an amendment, it was adopted by a majority of 216 to 55. Canada, House of Commons, 36th Parl., 1st Sess., Journals no 240 (8 June 1999), vote no. 548.
59. We thank David Platts, a former clerk to Mr. Justice Corry of the Supreme Court of Canada, now a lawyer with McCarty/Tétrault, for his assistance in that regard.
60. The Association des femmes d'affaires et professionnelles gaies, which was then a new group in its recruiting phase.
61. “Rest of Canada,” a self-appointed description for the English-speaking provinces outside Québec in Canada.
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