Published online by Cambridge University Press: 18 July 2014
In this article I argue that an analysis of “the State” is necessary in order to understand legal developments related to “family” that are relevant to efforts to combat the oppression of heterosexual women, as well as of lesbians and gay men. Drawing on recent debates concerning postmodernism and feminist theory, I review efforts to reconceptualize the nature of the state not as a monolithic institution, but rather as a set of arenas, or the site of various discursive formations. Because laws are generated from within, but are only part of, concentrated forms of state power, feminists and progressive groups that are engaging with law must retain an explicit analysis of the state. This analysis must be more nuanced and displaced than it has been in instrumentalist and structuralist accounts, in order to explore the ways in which feminists have influenced legal change and whether this influence is positive or negative for different groups. The limits on law's ability to fundamentally transform the social relations of oppression must however be recognized. In particular, the relationship between overall state trends—for example privatization—and trends specific to certain state arenas such as courts and legislatures—for example enhanced women's rights to men's property and increased legal recognition of same sex couples—must be traced in order to determine the political impact of seemingly progressive movements in areas related to “the family”.
Dans cet article, l'auteure prétend qu'une analyse de «l'État» est essentielle pour bien comprendre quels sont les développements législatifs reliés à la «famille» qui s'avèrent nécessaires afin de combattre l'oppression des femmes hétérosexuelles ainsi que celles des lesbiennes et des hommes gais. Se basant sur des débats récents concernant le postmodernisme et la théorie féministe, l'auteure passe en revue les efforts déployés pour reconceptualiser la nature de l'État, non pas en tant qu'institution monolithique, mais plutôt comme un ensemble d'arènes ou comme le site de diverses formations discursives. Parce que les lois sont générées de l'intérieur, mais ne constituent toutefois qu'une partie des formes concentrées du pouvoir étatique, les féministes et les groupes progressistes qui s'engagent dans le droit doivent s'appuyer sur une analyse explicite de l'État. Cette analyse doit être plus nuancée et déplacée qu'elle ne l'a été dans les propos instrumentalistes et structuralistes de façon à étudier comment les féministes ont influencé les changements législatifs et déterminer si cette influence s'est avérée positive ou négative pour divers groupes. Les limites du droit dans la transformation fondamentale des relations sociales d'oppression doivent cependant être reconnues. Plus particulièrement, la relation entre les tendances globales de l'État—par exemple, la privatisation—et les tendances spécifiques de certaines arènes de l'État tels les tribunaux et les législatures— par exemple, l'augmentation des droits des femmes sur la propriété des hommes et la reconnaissance législative accrue des couples homosexuels—doit être tracée de façon à déterminer l'impact politique des mouvements apparemment progressistes dans des secteurs reliés à «la famille».
1. Judicial decision-making in family law has been relatively immune from Charter challenges per se: Toope, S. J., “Riding the Fences: Courts, Charter Rights and Family Law” (1991) 9 Can. J. Fam. L. 55Google Scholar. Steel, F. & Gilson, K., “Equality Issues in Family Law: A Discussion Paper” in Busby, Karen et al. , eds., Equality Issues in Family Law (Winnipeg: Legal Research Institute of the University of Manitoba, 1990) 21 at 51–52Google Scholar, say that Charter arguments in the family law area are not being litigated primarily for and on behalf of women, but rather for men and children. Some cross-over effect of the Charter on family law has been evident as the Women's Legal Education and Action Fund [hereinafter LEAF] and feminist equality theory gained a stronger voice in other legal fields. For the development of LEAF's voice, especially in the earlier years, see Razack, S., Canadian Feminism and the Law: The Women's Legal Education and Action Fund and the Pursuit of Equality (Toronto: Second Story Press, 1991)Google Scholar. See also Brodsky, G. & Day, S., Canadian Charter Equality Rights for Women: One Step Forward or Two Steps Back? (Ottawa: Canadian Advisory Council on the Status of Women, 1989)Google Scholar for a more critical account of Charter litigation during roughly the same period. See also Duclos, N., “Feminism Goes to Law School: A Review of Sherene Razack, 1991, Canadian Feminism and the Law” (1992) 4:1Journal of Human Justice 89 at 93–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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4. See Chunn, D., “Feminism, Law and Public Policy: ‘Politicizing the Personal’” in Mandell, N. & Duffy, A., eds., Reconstructing Canadian Families: Race, Class, Gender and Sexuality (Toronto: Butterworths, forthcoming)Google Scholar.
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8. I am grateful to Nitya Iyer for clarifying this point.
9. See Holland, W., “Cohabitation and Marriage—A Meeting at the Crossroads?” (1990) 7 Canadian Family Law Quarterly 31Google Scholar.
10. See Duclos, N., “Breaking the Dependency Circle: The Family Law Act Reconsidered” (1987) 45 U. T. Fac. L. Rev. 1 at 16Google Scholar. Duclos (Iyer) argues that this exception can be explained by the fact that there can be no presumption of implicit intention to divide family property equally where there is no marriage. In support law, on the other hand, the principles of unjust enrichment and the public interest justify support award for at least some unmarried cohabitants.
11. As this article goes to press, there are signs that this may change in Ontario at least. The Ontario Law Reform Commission Report on the Rights and Responsibilities of Cohabitants Under the Family Law Act (1993)Google Scholar recommends that unmarried heterosexual spouses have the same rights and responsibilities as married spouses in the Family Law Act, R.S.O. 1990, c. F–3Google Scholar. Holland, supra note 9 canvasses the debates over this type of initiative to assimilate unmarried and married couples.
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15. Note however that in Forrest v. Price, ibid., the fact that bank accounts were not joint was not held against the man who was claiming a share in his partner's property. The judge accepted the plaintiff's testimony that they did not register as joint owners of their real estate because the defendant was a child psychiatrist and felt that coming out would “prove prejudicial to his career.” But in other respects, the judge adhered to a very traditional view of “family” even in the context of this gay male couple: “I am satisfied … that throughout this relationship the parties assumed the classic roles and division of labour characteristic of many traditional heterosexual marriages … The plaintiff worked hard, devoting hours to the development of the properties, the defendant's career, and overseeing his general health and welfare … The parties fulfilled their traditional roles as homemaker and breadwinner.”
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17. This point may be illustrated by the fact that Razack, supra note 1, refers to Shelley Gavigan as a postmodernist feminist author and holds her work up as an example of some of the strengths of postmodernist work in terms of historical specificity, etc. Yet Gavigan herself eschews the categorization of “postmodernist” and would locate herself within a socialist feminist tradition. See Gavigan, supra note 13.
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23. J. Fudge points to the need to be specific about which kinds of groups are trying to use laws for progressive ends, and which types of law are involved, in “What Do We Mean by Law and Social Transformation?” (1990) 5 Canadian Journal of Law and Society 47CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For example, the operations of property and contract law may be somewhat distinct from those of the equality guarantees in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, but they have an important relationship to one another, for instance in the way that many private property and contract relationships are insulated from Charter scrutiny. Much of family law has as yet been untouched by the impact of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, in part due to the wide judicial discretion inherent in many areas. See supra note 1. This phenomenon is not necessarily negative, given the problems women have experienced in the family field with equality discourse.
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84. See Cooper & Herman, supra note 18; Boyd, supra note 18; Cooper, supra note 38.
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88. Ibid.
89. Ursel, supra note 7; Mossman & MacLean, supra note 7.
90. Evans, P. M., “The Sexual Division of Poverty: The Consequences of Gendered Caring” in Baines, C. et al. , eds., Women's Caring: Feminist Perspectives on Social Welfare (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1991) 169Google Scholar. See also Strong-Boag, V., “‘Wages for Housework’: Mothers' Allowances and the Beginning of Social Security in Canada” (1979) 14 Journal of Canadian Studies 24CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
91. Evans, ibid., at 169.
92. See Ursel, supra note 7.
93. Fudge, supra notes 20 and 29.
94. Barrett & McIntosh, supra note 48 at 171–72.
95. Arnup, K., “‘Mothers Just Like Others’: Lesbians, Divorce, and Child Custody in Canada” (1989) 3:1C.J.W.L. 18Google Scholar; Millbank, J., “Lesbian Mothers, Gay Fathers: Sameness and Difference” (1992) 2 Australian Gay and Lesbian Law Journal 21Google Scholar.
96. Kline, supra note 54.
97. Hunt, supra note 85 at 115. See also Hunt, A., “The Ideology of Law: Advances and Problems in Recent Applications of the Concept of Ideology to the Analysis of Law” (1985) 19 Law and Society Review 11CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
98. Gavigan, S. A. M., “Law, Gender and Ideology” in Bayefsky, A., ed., Legal Theory Meets Legal Practice (Edmonton: Academic Printing & Publishing, 1988) 283Google Scholar.
99. Herman, supra note 56.
100. Anne Barron of the Faculty of Law, University College, London clarified this thought for me.
101. Young, A., “Book Review of Dwelling on the Threshold: Critical Essays on Modern Legal Thought by Allan C. Hutchinson and Law, Fact and Narrative Coherence” by Bernard S. Jackson (1990) 18 International Journal of Society and Law 214Google Scholar. There is a question, of course, pointed out to me by Wes Pue, whether any theory can tell us what comes next” in any absolute sense. Some may offer more potential than others, however.
102. Herman, D., “‘Sociologically Speaking’: Law, Sexuality and Social Change” (1991) 2:2Journal of Human Justice 57CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Clearly ideology is itself a contested concept and has been rejected by many due to confusion over its meaning and import. See Eagleton, supra note 55, and Pue, supra note 76. Although the alternative tool of “discourse” need not be thought of as neutral and can be used to explore power relations, I still maintain that keeping a concept of ideology in place alongside discourse assists in retaining a strong sense of the disparate power of different discourses as well as the function of powerful discourses: see Boyd. supra note 18.
103. Gavigan, supra note 98; Chunn, supra note 4.
104. Mahon, R., “Canadian Public Policy: The Unequal Structure of Representation” in Panitch, L.. ed., The Canadian State (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1977) 165Google Scholar.
105. Eisenstein, supra note 42 at 10.
106. See Watson, ed., supra note 19; S. Findlay, “Facing the State: The Politics of the Women's Movement Reconsidered” in H. J. Maroney & M. Luxton, eds., supra note 25 at 31; Findlay, S., “Feminist Struggles with the Canadian State: 1966-1988” (1988) 17:3Feminist Perspectives on the Canadian State 5Google Scholar.
107. Findlay, ibid., at 33.
108. For example by Smart, supra note 25.
109. I am grateful to Nitya Iyer for clarifying this point.
110. See Randall, supra note 36.
111. Ibid. at 14.
112. Gavigan, S. A. M., “No Man's Land?: Men's Interventions in Pregnancy and Abortion” (Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Canadian Law and Society Association, University of Victoria, B.C., 29 May –1 June 1990) [unpublished]Google Scholar.
113. See Fudge, supra notes 20 and 29.
114. On Thatcherite Britain, see Thomas, P. A., “The Nuclear Family, Ideology and Aids in the Thatcher Years” (1993) 1 Feminist Legal Studies 23CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
115. For instance, Professor Alison Diduckof the Faculty of Law, University of Manitoba, was co-counsel with Helena Orton for LEAF in the Moge case. Gwen Brodsky worked with feminist legal scholars such as Professors Nitya Iyer (Duclos) and Marlee Kline of the Faculty of Law, U.B.C., and Professor Shelley Gavigan of Osgoode Hall Law School in writing the factum for the intervention by the Egale coalition in the Mossop case at the Supreme Court of Canada.
116. Moge v. Moge (1992), 43 R.F.L. (3d) 345.
117. Peter v. Beblow (1993), 44 R.F.L. (3d) 329.
118. The youngest child was born in 1966 and was a university student at the time of appeal.
119. Supra note 116 at 382–88.
120. Supra note 117.
121. By “equality backlash” I am referring to the tendency of judges to interpret gender neutral family law provisions dedicated to the “equality” of women and men in a manner that ignores the ways in which social reality continues to be gendered for women. Applying “equal” or “neutral” rules to that gendered reality means that those who are unequal socially and economically—mainly women—will suffer. See Steel & Gilson and Brodsky & Day, supra note 1. Thus, expecting women to be economically as self-sufficient as men in a world which pays women less for the work they do is unrealistic and harsh. See for example Duclos, supra note 10; Morton, supra note 6.
122. Supra note 116 at 390.
123. Eichler, M., “The Limits of Family Law Reform or, The Privatization of Female and Child Poverty” (1990) 7 Can. J. Fam. L. 59Google Scholar.
124. Teghtsoonian, K., “Neo-Conservative Ideology and Opposition to Federal Regulation of Child Care Services in the United States and Canada” (1993) 26:1Canadian Journal of Political Science 97CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For evidence that privatized remedies particularly disadvantage black women and single mothers (not mutually exclusive categories of course) in the United States, and do not work particularly well for anyone, see Beller, A. H. and Graham, J. W., Small Change: The Economics of Child Support (Yale: Yale University Press, 1993)Google Scholar, reviewed by Pearson, J. in (1993) 3:10The Law and Politics Book Review (an electronic periodical)Google Scholar.
125. Only Ontario has eliminated the “spouse in the house” or “cohabitation” rule, and the rule replacing it is arguably little better. See Mossman & MacLean, supra note 7; Gavigan, supra note 13; E. Abner, The Merits of the Use of Constitutional Litigation to Unravel the Fabric of the Feminization of Poverty in Canada (LL.M. Thesis, York University, 1989)Google Scholar; Abner, Mossman & Pickett, supra note 6 at 600–01; Evans, supra note 90 at 185–87.
126. Finlay v. Canada (Minister of Finance), [1993] 1 S.C.R. 1080. Note however that La Forest, L'Heureux-Dubé, Cory, and McLachlin JJ. dissented.
127. Gavigan, supra note 13; Mossman & MacLean, supra note 7.
128. The tragic outcome of Pettkus v. Becker, [1980] 2 S.C.R. 834, the first Supreme Court of Canada case to use constructive trust doctrine to award a share of property to an unmarried (heterosexual) cohabitant, illustrates how procedural difficulties and resistance by a man ordered to pay compensation to a woman can defeat the purpose of the law. Rosa Becker's suicide note indicated that she was protesting against a legal system that denied her the fruits of her victory. See “Frustrating Legal System Drove Woman to Suicide, Friends Say,” The [Montreal] Gazette (11 November 1986)Google Scholar.
129. W. Holland has reservations but generally supports this reform direction, supra note 9 at 46–52.
130. Supra note 116 at 389-90.
131. Canada (Attorney General) v. Mossop, [1993] 1 S.C.R. 554.
132. Mossop v. Treasury Board of Canada (1989), 10 C.H.R.R. D/6054 (Can. Trib.). See Herman, supra note 102 for a discussion of Margrit Eichler's expert evidence.
133. Mossop, supra note 131 at 630.
134. Supra note 116 at 373.
135. Barrett & McIntosh, supra note 47.
136. See also Cossman, supra note 13; Gavigan, supra note 13.
137. Layland v. Ontario (Minister of Consumer and Commercial Relations) (1993), 104 D.L.R. (4th) 214 (Ont. Ct. Gen. Div.) currently under appeal to the Ontario Court of Appeal, File No. C15711.
138. Ibid., at 233, 235.
139. Ibid., at 235. Sullivan, A., “Here Comes the Groom: A (Conservative) Case for Gay Marriage” New Republic (28 August 1989) 20Google Scholar makes the point that letting gays and lesbians marry fits well within the conservative economic agenda.
140. K. Farquhar raises this issue in his comment on Peter v. Beblow, Can. Bar Rev. (forthcoming). Nitya Duclos (Iyer) raises the wider political issues about whether assimilating to the current family law scheme, at least in the marriage context, is desirable for gays and lesbians in “Some Complicating Thoughts on Same-Sex Marriage” (1991) 1 Law and Sexuality 31Google Scholar.
141. Forrest v. Price (3 November 1992), Vancouver Registry C913542 (B.C.S.C). The men were described as having “assumed the classic roles and the division of labour characteristic of many traditional marriages”; their relationship was “tantamount in all respects to a traditional heterosexual marriage.” See also discussion, supra note 15. A division of property was ordered.
142. See P. Armstrong & H. Armstrong, “Looking Ahead: The Future of Women's Work” in H. J. Maroney & M. Luxton, eds., supra note 25 at 213; Armstrong & Armstrong, supra note 60; Burstyn, V. & Smith, D., Women, Class, Family and the State (Toronto: Garamond, 1985)Google Scholar.
143. See Fineman, supra note 6.
144. Boyd, S. B., “Child Custody, Ideologies and Employment” (1989) 3:1C.J.W.L. 111Google Scholar.
145. Evans, supra note 90 at 184 shows that in many cases women go on welfare for a relatively short period of time before obtaining paid work. This does not necessarily mean that they succeed in becoming economically independent or that they never return to welfare.
146. See Robson, R., Lesbian (Out)Law: Survival Under the Rule of Law (Ithaca, N.Y.: Firebrand Books, 1992)Google Scholar on the issue of domestication by the rule of law.
147. Eisenstein, supra note 42 at 12.
148. Obvious areas include contract, corporate and tax law, the traditionally “business law” areas. Given the importance of the taxation structure for subsidizing certain activities and penalizing others, its potential link to capitalist economic structures and gendered dynamics within those structures, goes far beyond issues such as whether currently allowable business deductions discriminate against self-employed women. See Claire Young's discussion of the Symes case heard by the Supreme Court of Canada in 1993 in “Childcare and the Charter: Privileging the Privileged” (1994) Review of Constitutional Studies (forthcoming)Google Scholar.
149. Fudge, J., “Reconceiving Employment Standards Legislation: Labour Law's Little Sister and the Feminization of Labour” (1991) 7 J.L. & Social Pol'y 73 at 81Google Scholar; Ursel, supra note 7 at 289–304.