The signing by forty-four nations at Bretton Woods, N.H., on July 22, 1944, of articles of agreement for the establishment of an International Monetary Fund marks the third stage in the process of setting up an organization which is intended to control international exchange operations after the war. The first stage was initiated by the publication by the British Treasury of Baron Keynes's scheme for an International Clearing Union concurrently with the publication by the United States Treasury of the draft outline of a plan for a United and Associated Nations Stabilization Fund prepared by Dr. Harry White. These were made available to the public on April 8, 1943. Subsequently in June of 1943 experts of the Canadian Government issued a third plan for an International Exchange Union. A revised edition of the American plan appeared July 10, 1943. As collateral to these proposals in October, 1943, the United States Treasury released a text entitled, “Guiding Principles for a Proposed United Nations Bank for Reconstruction and Development.”

All these schemes were at once subject to a critical examination by monetary experts in the United States, Great Britain, and Canada. Meanwhile negotiations were being carried on in Washington with a view to ironing out the differences revealed between the British and American point of view. Experts from other countries in time entered into these discussions. In the end by mutual concessions substantial agreement was reached upon the main points under consideration. With the putting forward in Washington on April 21, 1944, by the monetary experts and treasury technicians of thirty-four governments of a plan covering their tentative conclusions, the second stage was reached and the way cleared for a definite step forward to be attempted.

Social, economic, and technological developments forced the six Australian states in 1900 to constitute themselves into a federal Commonwealth. Many decades of agitation and deliberation were needed until the states finally agreed to submit themselves to a central government. Reluctantly they renounced some of their sovereign rights and granted to the Commonwealth a restricted number of defined and specified powers. Powers not specifically named in the constitution as belonging to the Commonwealth remained with the states. Within the scope of their power, the Commonwealth and the states are independent.

One of the guiding principles of the makers of the constitution was, of course, to transfer those powers to the central government which were believed to be needed for the adequate handling of nation-wide affairs. The regulation of matters of more regional concern remained in the hands of the states. However, the developments which brought about the necessity for federation did not cease with the establishment of the constitution. The borderline between matters of national and matters of regional concern shifted further, increasing the field of national affairs. The constitutional distribution of powers between the Commonwealth and the states was soon outmoded by events. Almost immediately after the inauguration of the constitution, criticism arose from many sides because the powers granted to the Commonwealth were considered insufficient for the proper discharge of the central government's obligations toward the nation.

With the growing demands made upon the state in Australia, as everywhere else, the volume of this criticism increased. The dissatisfaction found expression in eighteen proposals for constitutional change between 1900 and 1944, almost all of them dealing with the extension of Commonwealth power.

The importance of fire to mankind has been understood from the earliest times and is indicated by the inclusion of fire in the four elements recognized by the Greeks and by mediæval scientists. Its significance was augmented during the Industrial Revolution and its aftermath, the Communication Revolution, when heat began to be used to generate power for driving machinery and for transporting people and materials over ever-increasing distances at higher and still higher speeds. It is not too much to say that modern civilization is largely based on heat, as energy derived from other sources forms a very small fraction of the world's consumption. In 1936, it was estimated that, of the world's supply of energy, coal contributed 63 per cent, oil 18 per cent, wood 12 per cent, natural gas 5 per cent, and water power 2 per cent. Many attempts have been made to obtain power from the sun, to tap the heat of the earth, to use wind and tidal power but, though some of these projects have worked satisfactorily, the total amount of power produced by them is negligible. About 40 per cent of the energy derived from fuel is used as power, the remaining 60 per cent being employed for heating purposes.

The following analysis is primarily concerned with definite mathematical expressions of the relationship between export and national income values in Canada as it developed during the inter-war period, with an attempt to measure the export multiplier and the influence of the barter terms of trade upon the national income, and to make tentative projections into the future.

The mathematical expressions for this relationship are alternatively based (1) on the time series for exports and national income and (2) on the deviations from the linear trends of exports and national income over the period 1923-38. The year 1939 is omitted as the war distorted the relationship even then. The years prior to 1923 are eliminated as their inclusion would lead to inverse correlations in individual cases owing to disturbances in currency relations, abnormal lags and leads in the equilibration of the respective balances of payment, and sudden shifts in the proportional evolution of domestic and foreign markets in the countries concerned.

The Scope of the Survey. The survey was confined to the Mackenzie River District. The places visited were Fort Smith, Fort Resolution, Hay River, Fort Providence, Fort Simpson, Norman Wells, Fort Good Hope, Arctic Red River, Fort McPherson, Aklavik, Yellowknife, and Port Radium. Fort Norman and Fort Rae were not visited, but information in regard to these was obtained from medical officers for these areas. All but one doctor in the area were interviewed. The hospitals and schools were visited and the authorities in charge were most co-operative in supplying information. Useful interviews were had with the clergy, R.C.M.P., R.C.C.S., Hudson Bay Company officials, independent traders, oil and mine operators, and many other residents of the Territories.

The duties assigned to the writer, as his part in the project of the Canadian Social Science Research Council for the study of the Canadian Arctic, were: (a) to visit Indian Residential and Day Schools as well as non-denominational schools for children who are not wards of the Dominion Government; (b) to survey all educational facilities and activities; (c) to make recommendations for improving educational services. In pursuing this assignment during the months of July and August, 1944, the localities were visited in the following order: (a) Fort Smith, (b) Norman Wells, (c) Arctic Red River, (d) Aklavik, (e) Fort McPherson, (f) Fort Good Hope, (g) Fort Simpson, (h) Fort Providence, (i) Hay River, (j) Fort Resolution, (k) Yellowknife, (l) Port Radium. Thanks to a very complete list of key people provided by the Department of Mines and Resources, it was possible to meet those who knew most about the matters under investigation and who, without exception, were most cooperative and anxious to provide all relevant information and all possible assistance.

Commentators on Malthus's population theory have generally based their remarks upon the Essay, particularly upon his observation that “population invariably increases where the means of subsistence increase, unless prevented by some very powerful and obvious checks” which are resolvable into “moral restraint, vice, and misery.” They have overlooked important passages in the Essay, having to do with the circumstances on which depend the increase and the availability of subsistence, and, therefore, the growth of population. They have overlooked his extended consideration of the question of population in the Principles where his primary concern was the increase of the supplies on which population growth depends. They have, therefore, missed his total population theory, and the manner in which it developed.

It is our purpose, in this essay, to discover the whole of Malthus's population theory, and to indicate, in some measure, the views of earlier and contemporary writers regarding elements of which this theory is composed. In section I we discuss Malthus's theory of economic progress and the “effectual demand” for labour, as it relates to the population question. While this discussion is based upon the Principles much more than upon the Essay and other writings, it is evident, as we state in the conclusion, that Malthus's theory of demand probably evolved out of his consideration of the population question. In section II, we examine Malthus's treatment of industrialization, in which he apparently found a workable solution to both the problem of economic progress and the question of population.