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⁵ See Mott, F. L., Jefferson and the Press (Baton Rouge, 1943).Google Scholar

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⁷ Ibid., 70.

⁸ Salmon, L. M., The Newspaper and the Historian (New York, 1923), 426.Google Scholar The low level of journalism has been attributed to the vituperation introduced by journalists from England, such as Cobbett, and by Irishmen. Binns owned one of the bitterest organs against the English and William Duane, editor of the Aurora, was violent in denunciations. See Burt, A. L., The United States, Great Britain and British North America from the Revolution to the Establishment of Peace after the War of 1812 (New Haven, 1940), 301.Google Scholar

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¹⁰ Presbrey, Frank, The History and Development of Advertising (New York, 1929), 159.Google Scholar

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¹⁸ “The preponderance of capital cities, a serious injury to the representative system, exposes modern republics to the same defect as republics of antiquity which all perished from not having known this system.” de Tocqueville, Alexis, American Institutions, trans. Reeve, Henry, rev. and ed. Bowen, Francis (Cambridge, 1870), 91.Google Scholar

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²⁰ Rich, W. E., The History of the United States Post Office to the Year 1829 (Cambridge, 1924), 165.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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²³ Ibid., 163.

²⁴ Ibid., 163. A large number of newspaper editors were appointed to local postmasterships (Ibid., 161).

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³² Ibid., 142. William Lloyd Garrison started the Liberator in January, 1831 and “stirred the South into a fury.” Butler, W. A., A Retrospect of Forty Years, 1825-1865 (New York, 1911), 80.Google Scholar

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³⁵ Ibid., 144.

³⁶ Ibid., 148.

³⁷ McClure, A. K., Our Presidents and How We Make Them (New York, 1900), 70.Google Scholar Ostrogorski has suggested the influence of improved communication on parties by stating that the Erie Canal was followed by New York conventions, the railways by a national convention, and the telegraph by a national campaign directed from a single centre. See Ostrogorski, M., Democracy and the Organization of Political Parties (London, 1902), II, 53.Google Scholar

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³⁹ His views may be contrasted with those of Thoreau: “I sat up during the evening, reading by the light of the fire the scraps of newspapers in which some party had wrapped their luncheon; die prices current in New York and Boston, the advertisements, and the singular editorials which some had seen fit to publish, not foreseeing under what critical circumstances they would be read. I read these things at a vast advantage there, and it seemed to me that the advertisements, or what is called the business part of a paper, were greatly the best, the most useful, natural, and respectable. Almost all the opinions and sentiments expressed were so little considered, so shallow and flimsy, that I thought the very texture of the paper must be weaker in that part and tear the more easily. The advertisements and the prices current were most closely allied to nature, and were respectable in some measure as tide and meteorological tables are; but the reading-matter, which I remembered was most prized down below, unless it was some humble record of science, or an extract from some old classic, struck me as strangely whimsical, and crude, and one-idea'd like a school-boy's theme, such as youths write and after burn. The opinions were of that kind that are doomed to wear a different aspect to-morrow, like last year's fashions; as if mankind were very green indeed, and would be ashamed of themselves in a few years, when they had outgrown this verdant period. There was, moreover, a singular disposition to wit and humor, but rarely die slightest real success; and the apparent success was a terrible satire on the attempt; the Evil Genius of man laughed the loudest at his best jokes. The advertisements, as I have said, such as were serious, and not of the modern quack kind, suggested pleasing and poetic thoughts; for commerce is really as interesting as nature. The very names of the commodities were poetic, and as suggestive as if they had been inserted in a pleasing poem,—Lumber, Cotton, Sugar, Hides, Guano, Logwood. Some sober, private, and original thought would have been grateful to read there, and as much in harmony with the circumstances as if it had been written on a mountain-top; for it is of a fashion which never changes, and as respectable as hides and logwood, or any natural product. What an inestimable companion such a scrap of paper would have been, containing some fruit of a mature life. What a relic! What a recipe! It seemed a divine invention, by which not mere shining coin, but shining and current thoughts, could be brought up and left there.” Thoreau, Henry D., A Week on the Concord and Merrimack Rivers (Boston, 1867), 197–8.Google Scholar

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⁴⁵ “The greatest single journalistic influence was the New York Weekly Tribune which had in 1854 a circulation of 112,000 and many times that number of readers.” Rhodes, J. F., “Newspapers as Historical Sources,” in Historical Essays (New York, 1909), 90.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Seward and Weed had exploited anti-masonic feeling but came under the influence of Roman Catholics. This involved the antagonism of the know-nothing party and the opposition of Pennsylvania, thus facilitating the success of Greeley.

⁴⁷ Salmon, , The Newspaper and the Historian, 203.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ “A11 these interests bring the newspaper, and the newspaper starts up politics and a railroad.” Josephson, Matthew, The Robber Barons: The Great American Capitalists 1867-1901 (New York, 1934), 27.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ “Newspapers—conducted by rogues and dunces for dunces and rogues, they are faithful to nothing but the follies and vices of our system, strenuously opposing every intelligent attempt at their elimination. They fetter the feet of wisdom and stiffen the prejudices of the ignorant. They are sycophants to the mob, tyrants to the individual” (March 26, 1881). Ambrose Bierce, cited in McWilliams, Carey, Ambrose Bierce: A Biography (New York, 1929), 168.Google Scholar

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⁵³ Imports of rags into the United States were valued at $1,540,000 in the year ending June 30, 1860, at $1,245,000 (37,304,000 lb. including 16,678,000 1b. from Italy) in the year ending June 30, 1863, at $3,749,000 (103,520,000 1b. including 30,665,000 1b. from Italy and 43,404,000 1b. from England) in the year ending June 30, 1871.

⁵⁴ See Innis, H. A., The Press: A Neglected Factor in the Economic History of the Twentieth Century (London, 1949).Google Scholar

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⁵⁹ Ibid., 228.

⁶⁰ McClure, , Our Presidents and How We Make Them, 334.Google Scholar The tariff more than any other element “rouses up the sectional feelings and interests and disturbs the passions of the country.” Life, Letters and Journals of George Ticknor (Boston, 1880), 214.Google Scholar

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⁶⁷ See Winkler, J. K., W. R. Hearst, an American Phenomenon (New York, 1928).Google Scholar

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⁸⁶ “A large body of persons has arisen, under the influence of the common schools, magazines, newspapers, and the rapid acquisition of wealth, who are not only engaged in enjoying themselves after their fashion, but who firmly believe that they have reached, in the matter of social, mental, and moral culture, all that is attainable or desirable by anybody, and who, therefore, tackle all the problems of the day—men's, women's, and children's rights and duties, marriage, education, suffrage, life, death, and immortality—with supreme indifference to what anybody else thinks or has ever thought, and have their own trumpery prophets, prophetesses, heroes and heroines, poets, orators, scholars and philosophers, whom they worship with a kind of barbaric fervor. The result is a kind of mental and moral chaos, in which many of the fundamental rules of living, which have been worked out painfully by thousands of years of bitter human experience, seem in imminent risk of disappearing totally.” Godkin, E. L., Reflections and Comments, 1865-1895 (New York, 1895), 203–4.Google Scholar

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⁹⁹ The influence of the book was limited, particularly as prices increased after 1900 while the prices of magazines declined. Books were handicapped further by postage charges from which they were not relieved until the administration of F. D. Roosevelt. Moreover, in the words of Mr. Dooley “Books is for them that can't enjoy themselves in any other way.” The influence of the magazine was suggested in the following comment on Collier's: “Nevertheless, although the fundamental aspect of the problem was not completely worked out, there was every sign that while we could hold the intellectual level and have a circulation approaching half a million, at thirty-five cents a copy, we could not double the circulation at that price, and keep the standard; and for my part I remain unconvinced that at any price a magazine can have a circulation of a million while keeping a quality that is stimulating to the most intelligent readers. …” The Changing Years, Reminiscences of Norman Hapgood (New York, 1930), 282–3.Google Scholar In the period after 1918 the influence of books and magazines was greatly affected by technological advances. The rise of photography on the one hand destroyed illustrations in magazines and compelled them to be literary and on the other hand became the basis of special publications. The verbosity of books and magazines was exploited by digests. In the Second World War the pocket-book industry expanded rapidly and threatened the position of writers. See J. T. Farrell, The Fate of Writing in America (n.p.,n.d.); also Miller, W. T., The Book Industry (New York, 1949).Google Scholar

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¹⁰² See Printers' Ink, Fifty Years, 1888-1938 (n.p.,n.d.).

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¹⁰⁷ Schumpeter in his Business Cycles has emphasized the importance of the Kondratieff cycle but has neglected the problem of organization of communication by which innovations are transmitted. As monopoly of communication with relation to the printing press was built up over a long period under the protection of freedom of the press and accentuated discontinuity and the destruction of time, it eventually destroyed itself and compelled a recognition of a medium emphasizing time and continuity. Veblen's emphasis on the pecuniary and industrial dichotomy overlooks the implications of technology, for example in the printing industry, and its significance to the dissemination of information in a pecuniary society. A monopoly which accentuates more rapid dissemination brings about a profound disruption of society.

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¹¹⁰ “The telephone, the teleprinter and the wireless made it possible for orders from the highest levels to be given direct to the lowest levels, where, on account of the absolute authority behind them, they were carried out uncritically; or brought it about that numerous offices and command centres were directly connected with the supreme leadership from which they received their sinister orders without any intermediary; or resulted in a widespread surveillance of the citizens, or in a high degree of secrecy surrounding criminal happenings. To the outside observer this governmental apparatus may have resembled the apparently chaotic confusion of lines at a telephone exchange, but like the latter it could be controlled and operated from one central source. Former dictatorships needed collaborators of high quality even in the lower levels of leadership, men who could think and act independently. In the era of modern technique an authoritarian system can do without this. The means of communication alone permit it to mechanise the work of subordinate leadership. As a consequence a new type develops: the uncritical recipient of orders.” Albert Speers, German Armaments Minister in 1942, in a speech at the Nuremberg trials, quoted in Schacht, Hjalmar, Account Settled (London, 1949), 240.Google Scholar