^{page ix note 1} Jocelin, p. 29. (For the editions of this and other works referred to in the footnotes, see p. lx.)

^{page x note 1} ‘et sufficiunt in magna habundancia si habeantur iii summe. Anno Domini M^occ^olx^ov^o cam liberacionibus serviencium secundum antiquam consuetudinem sufficiebant ii summe et dimidia et 1 busschellum.’

^{page xi note 1} Jocelin, p. 29.

^{page xi note 1} Jocelin, p. 29.

^{page xii note 1} Infra, pp. 4, 8, 15, 16, 17, 42.

^{page xii note 2} Pipe Roll 32 Henry II, p. 18, and Pipe Roll 34 Henry II, p. 34. His successor was his brother Gilbert, who held his lands from 1188 to 1212. Both brothers appear in the description of Blackbourn Hundred. This may be because Geoffrey, who is mentioned only once (infra, p. 42), died while the survey was being made, or because Gilbert may have held some lands in his own right even during his brother's lifetime. For Gilbert, see below, pp. 35, 41, 42.

^{page xii note 3} For Robert's death, see Pipe Roll 2 Richard I, p. 101.

^{page xii note 4} Infra, pp. 5, 13, 14, 16, 17, 21.

^{page xii note 5} Infra, p. 60, ‘ Terra Duggel iid. ob. quam Robertus de Cokefelde dedit capellam tamquam escaetam ’.

^{page xii note 6} Infra, pp. 57 (bis), 60, 62, 67, 70.

^{page xiii note 1} Feet of Fines, Henry II and Richard I (Pipe Roll Society, xvii), pp. 9–11. Cf. Curia Regis Rolls, ed. C. T. Flower, i. 430.

^{page xiii note 2} Infra, pp. 71–2.

^{page xiii note 3} Infra, pp. 70–1.

^{page xiv note 1} Infra, p. 43, and Charter 77.

^{page xiv note 2} Infra, p. 26 and Camb. MS. Mm. iv. 19, fo. 185V., which has a transcript of the final concord made in the King's court. Cf. Charter 23.

^{page xiv note 3} Infra, p. 28. In 1302 extents of these manors showed them to be worth £23 16s. 11d. and £14 11s. 4d respectively. (Registrum Abbatis Thomae. MS. Harley 230, fos. 114 ff.)

^{page xiv note 4} The customary, known as ‘ traditiones patrum ’, is found in the British Museum, MS. Harley 1005, fos. 102 ff. The passage here translated is on fo. 102 (cols, a-b) and reads : ‘ Simili modo, certa maneria conventui deputantur cum omnibus ex eis et in eis provenientibus, exceptis generalibus auxiliis et talliagiis prece vel precepto Regis per totam Abbaciam positis, et exceptis certis redditibus qui dicuntur hidagium et foddercorn et sectis hominum ad hundreda, que predicta omnia spectant ad abbatem quia sunt regalia.’

^{page xiv note 5} D.C.D., nos. 46 and 47. ‘ Precipio quod abbas et monachi de Sancto Aedmundo ita bene honorifice habeant warpeni de VIII hundredis et dimidio siqut melius habuerunt tempore patris et fratris mei et tempore meo.’

^{page xv note 1} E.g. Liber Metnorandorum ecclesie de Bernewelle, ed. Clark, J. W. (Cambridge, 1907), p. 238Google Scholar. The prior of Barnwell kept a list of the payments due from the priory's lands because the sheriff was apt to overcharge, ‘ and it will not be necessary, in future, to go to the castle on account of such distraints, in order to see the sheriff's roll; one may see and be instructed more easily in the (priory's own) book.’

^{page xv note 2} Infra, p. 61.

^{page xv note 3} Infra, p. 60.

^{page xv note 4} J. H. Round, Feudal England, p. 100, and D.C.D., pp. clxii–clxiv.

^{page xv note 1} E.g. Liber Metnorandorum ecclesie de Bernewelle, ed. Clark, J. W. (Cambridge, 1907), p. 238Google Scholar. The prior of Barnwell kept a list of the payments due from the priory's lands because the sheriff was apt to overcharge, ‘ and it will not be necessary, in future, to go to the castle on account of such distraints, in order to see the sheriff's roll; one may see and be instructed more easily in the (priory's own) book.’

^{page xv note 2} Infra, p. 61.

^{page xv note 3} Infra, p. 60.

^{page xv note 4} J. H. Round, Feudal England, p. 100, and D.C.D., pp. clxii–clxiv.

^{page xviii note 1} Described in Lackford hundred.

^{page xx note 1} In Ferding of Aldham,

^{page xxi note 1} This sum includes the geld from the men in Waldingafeld, Honilega and Manetune. Possibly gd. of it should be transferred to Hunileha in the eighth ferdering.

^{page xxiii note 1} Should perhaps include an additional 9^d. from the second ferdering.

^{page xxiv note 1} This sum includes some geld due from Groton,

^{page xxv note 1} Cf. Round, Feudal England, p. 101, n. 187.

^{page xxv note 2} D.B., ii. 372.

^{page xxvi note 1} Kemble, Codex Diplomaticus, no. 735.

^{page xxvi note 2} M. D. Lobel,‘ The Ecclesiastical Banleuca in England ’, Oxford Essays in Medieval History presented to H. E. Salter (1934), p. 129.

^{page xxvi note 3} Edmund's alleged charter is printed by Birch in Cartularium Saxonicum, no. 808. The relevant passage from Hermann (Memorials, i. 29–30) is as follows : ‘ Prefato itaque Ædelstano regna moderante, Deique gratia condonante, orientalis rex et martyr (Eadmundus) in Beodrici villa pulsans sibipropria, jamjam declaratur sanctus, virtute signorum splendescens, usquoquaque notificatus.’

^{page xxvi note 4} Memorials, i. 34.

^{page xxvi note 5} Robertson, A. J., Anglo-Saxon Charters (1939), p. 100Google Scholar.

^{page xxvi note 6} H. M. Cam thinks that they derive from the time of Athelstan or Edmund (Liberties and Communities in Medieval England, p. 89).

^{page xxviii note 1} B.C.S., nos. 1018, 1019.

^{page xxix note 1} D.B., ii. 439b.

^{page xxix note 2} D.C.D., pp. 21–2.

^{page xxix note 3} Infra, p. 50. Robert Blund probably acquired his interest in Bradmere hundred through his ‘ antecessor ’, Achi, a huscarle of King Edward, who held lands not only in Suffolk but also in Wiltshire, Northamptonshire and Middlesex. D.B., i. 225b, 69b, 73, 130b ; ii. 438b ff.

^{page xxix note 4} Infra, pp. 24, 68. The assessment of Bury St. Edmunds in Domesday Book shows that it was another until it won its immunity. Domesday also records the ‘ ferding ’ of Aldham (ii. 369), which was presumably half of Cosford half-hundred. In other shires we find ‘ ferdings ’ at Huntingdon, Wisbech, Ludham, and Elmham (J. H. Round, Feudal England, p. 101 ; Stenton, F. M. in Eng. Hist. Rev., xxxvii. 226Google Scholar).

^{page xxix note 5} D.B., ii. 47 and 401 ; cf. J. H. Round in V.C.H., Essex, i. 408.

^{page xxx note 1} D. C. Douglas, Social Structure of Medieval East Anglia, pp. 192 ff. We do in fact find the beginning of one court leet in Abbot Samson's Kalendar, but its jurisdiction does not cover one (fiscal) lete but only the vill of Troston (infra, p. 44).

^{page xxx note 2} This derivation seems simpler than Skeat's suggested derivation from the Danish laegd, a division of the country (in Denmark) for military conscription, adopted by Round in Feudal England, p. 101.

^{page xxx note 3} F. K. Harmer, Anglo-Saxon Writs (1952), p. 439.

^{page xxxi note 1} See, for example, the account of a lawsuit in the Worcestershire court, printed by A. J. Robertson in Anglo-Saxon Charters, pp. 163–5.

^{page xxxi note 2} D.C.D., nos. 115, 117, 126, 143.

^{page xxxi note 3} D.C.D., no. 16.

^{page xxxi note 4} Infra, p. 25.

^{page xxxii note 1} Infra, p. 4.

^{page xxxii note 2} Powell, E., A Suffolk Hundred in the year 1283 (Cambridge, 1910), pp. 47–61Google Scholar.

^{page xxxii note 3} Infra, p. 4. The sokemen who owed the suits were, of course, neither wholly free nor wholly unfree. Compare the hundredors of Cambridgeshire; Vinogradoff, P., Villainage in England (Oxford, 1892), pp. 188 ff. and 441 ff.Google Scholar, and Douglas, Social Structure, pp. 148–9.

^{page xxxii note 4} Infra, p. 68.

^{page xxxii note 5} Infra, p. 66.

^{page xxxii note 6} Infra, p. 44.

^{page xxxiii note 1} Charter of Adam son of Alexander of Whelnetham (P.R.O., D. of L. 42. 5, f. 31) : ‘ que computatur pro iii acris, utrum sit ibi plus vel minus ’.

^{page xxxiii note 2} Infra, pp. 43–4.

^{page xxxiii note 3} See Charters 39 and 104.

^{page xxxiii note 4} Thus William son of Reri of Hesset, whose father held 48 ware acres in Hesset, held lands from the manorial halls of Rougham and Bradfield. Charter 43.

^{page xxxiii note 5} Round, Feudal England, pp. 497–502.

^{page xxxiii note 6} Infra, p. 70.

^{page xxxiii note 7} Infra, pp. 66, 70.

^{page xxxiv note 1} Or £16 12s. 1½d. including Barton, the figures for which are not given in detail.

^{page xxxiv note 2} Of this, the sheriff received £1 15s. 1d. and the abbot £2 0s. 0d.

^{page xxxiv note 3} The abbot's general aid (sum unspecified) should be added.

^{page xxxiv note 4} Jocelyn, p. 58.

^{page xxxiv note 5} By the great measure of Sudbury.

^{page xxxiv note 6} Infra, p. 53.

^{page xxxiv note 7} Stenton, F. M., Types of Manorial Structure in the Northern Danelaw (Oxford, 1910) pp. 13–14Google Scholar. The same sort of distinction seems to underlie the difference between ‘ dominium ’ and ‘ warlanda ’ in the Burton Abbey Survey of c. 1116–18 (William Salt Soc, v, pt. i, p. 27).

^{page xxxv note 1} Infra, pp. 41, 48, 52. A much longer list can be obtained from Domesday Book, where we find that the following manors were owed services by men of other vills (given in brackets) : Coney Weston (from Barningham, Hepworth, Hopton, and Weston); Culford (from Wordwell); Hengrave (from Flempton); Ingham (from Ampton); Lackford (from Flempton and West Stow); Rickinghall (from Wattisfield and many men in Hertismere hundred); Rougham (from Hesset and Rushbrook); Stanton (from Hepworth); Risby (from Flempton); Norton (from Saxham and Thurston); Groton (from Cornard).

^{page xxxv note 2} Round in V.C.H., Herts, i. 269.

^{page xxxv note 3} Infra, p. 6.

^{page xxxv note 4} V.C.H., Herts, i. 270. Averpeni were specifically paid to the hundred reeves in Hesset and Beyton; infra, p. 14. Cf. Douglas, Social Structure, p. 190: ‘ In East Anglia there is a constant tendency for all unattached freemen to be regarded as the King's.’

^{page xxxv note 5} D.B., i. 190b.

^{page xxxvi note 1} D.C.D., no. 113.

^{page xxxvi note 2} But in three of the eight recorded cases of a tenement owing guard-service, wardpenny was paid also. It is possible that each of these three tenements consisted of one parcel of land that owed guard-service and another that owed wardpenny; infra, pp. 11, 13, 15.

^{page xxxvi note 3} Infra, pp. 15, 31, 44.

^{page xxxvi note 4} Camb., Add. MS. 6006, fo. 35 v.; and infra, pp. 7, 8, 14.

^{page xxxvi note 5} Pinchbeck, i. 475.

^{page xxxvi note 6} The sum paid for a relief also was unchanged in 1650. The Surveys of Cosford and Baber, Thingo, and Thedwarstree are in the Public Record Office, E.317, Suffolk, 5, 8, and 12.

^{page xxxvi note 7} D.B., ii. 339b.

^{page xxxvi note 8} Camb., Add. MS. 6006, fo. 37V. In this list the vill of Rougham takes the place of Beyton. Copied in Pynchbek and printed (with some repetitions) by Hervey, i. 340 For the service of mowing a particular meadow, compare Rotuli Hundredorum (Rec. Com., 1812–18), ii. 34b; the men of Stanton Harcourt mowed a meadow at Woodstock.

^{page xxxvi note 9} E. Powell, A Suffolk Hundred in 1283, p. 46.

^{page xxxvii note 1} Vinogradoff, Villainage in England, p. 202.

^{page xxxvii note 2} Infra, pp. 10, 12, 14, 22, and by inference, p. 6. Cf. ‘ Registrum Album ’, fo. 154b : ‘ Et nota quod si prcpositus hundredi capiat gersumam de aliquo libero, dominus habebit medietatem.’

^{page xxxvii note 3} Infra, pp. 31, 39, 48.

^{page xxxvii note 4} Infra, pp. 41, 46, 47.

^{page xxxvii note 5} Infra, pp. 21–2.

^{page xxxvii note 6} Infra, pp. 6 (bis), 7, 10, 11, 15, 17, 22, 38. In Fornham St. Martin (p. 22) all the sokemen paid both reliefs and gersum to the abbot.

^{page xxxvii note 7} Charter 111.

^{page xxxvii note 8} Charters 33 and 89.

^{page xxxvii note 9} Infra, p. 61.

^{page xxxvii note 10} Infra, p. 60.

^{page xxxvii note 11} Infra, pp. 59–60.

^{page xxxviii note 1} Infra, p. 28.

^{page xxxviii note 2} Infra, pp. 5–8.

^{page xxxviii note 3} Infra, pp. 20, 39, 61, 66.

^{page xxxviii note 4} If Professor Douglas is right it may even be as early as 1098. It must in any case be earlier than 1119, since it records one man, Athelstan, who held 30 acres at Ampton, who was certainly dead by 1119 (D.C.D., p. 35, and Charter 126).

^{page xxxix note 1} D.C.D., p. 34.

^{page xxxix note 2} Infra, p. 20.

^{page xxxix note 3} Infra, p. 18.

^{page xxxix note 4} D.C.D., nos 141 and 118.

^{page xxxix note 5} Charter 38.

^{page xxxix note 6} Charter 56.

^{page xxxix note 7} Charter 73.

^{page xl note 1} D.C.D., no. 162.

^{page xl note 2} Infra, p. 13.

^{page xl note 3} D.B., ii. 362b.

^{page xl note 4} D.B., ii. 6. Cf. Douglas, Social Structure, p. 126.

^{page xl note 5} E.g. D.B., ii. 4, 5b, 3b. Cf. Douglas, Social Structure, p. 184.

^{page xl note 6} E.g. D.B., ii. 148b.

^{page xl note 7} E.g. D.B., ii. 155b, 179b.

^{page xl note 8} E.g. D.B., ii. 277b.

^{page xl note 9} D.B., ii. 139b.

^{page xli note 1} D.B., ii. 138b.

^{page xli note 2} D.B., ii. 139.

^{page xli note 3} D.B., ii. 139b.

^{page xli note 4} Ramsey Cartulary (Rolls Series), ii. 75. From an inspeximus of 1334. The date 1065–6 is provided by the appearance of Abbot Baldwin as a witness. The grant was confirmed by William I on 29 December 1078 (ibid., ii. 95). The hundred within Bichamdic was known as Clackclose hundred from the reign of Henry I onwards; ibid., i. 241 and i. 279. Compare also the grant by Henry I of XL solidalas in sochemannis in Claiendone et in Bosemere hundred (Douglas, Social Structure, p. 255),

^{page xlii note 1} B.M., MS. Cotton, Tiberius B. ii, fo. 107V. This is an Ely Survey of 1222. The details of hundredors have been compiled from this survey (esp. fos. 100–107V.), from a similar survey of 1251, extracts of which are printed by Vinogradoff in Villainage in England, pp. 441–5, and from the notices of similar surveys given by E. Miller in The Abbey and Bishopric of lily (Cambridge, 1951). p. 117.

^{page xlii note 2} D.B., ii. 282b.

^{page xlii note 3} D.B., ii. 1b.

^{page xlii note 4} D.B., ii. 4b.

^{page xlii note 5} D.B., ii. 281b.

^{page xlii note 6} E.g. under Mundham in Mundham hundred, D.B., ii. 177.

^{page xlii note 7} D.B., ii. 127.

^{page xlii note 8} D.B., ii. 128.

^{page xlii note 9} D.B., ii. 291.

^{page xlii note 10} D.B., ii, 291.

^{page xlii note 11} D.B., ii. 3.

^{page xlii note 12} D.B., ii. 1b–2.

^{page xliii note 1} D.B., ii. 385b, 214, and I.E., p. 159.

^{page xliii note 2} D.B., ii. 215b. For the economic unity of East Anglian sokes in general, see Douglas, Social Structure, pp. 184–7.

^{page xliii note 3} D.C.D., p. cxx.

^{page xliii note 4} Skeat, W. W., The Place-names of Suffolk (Cambridge Antiquarian Soc., 1913), p. 126Google Scholar. The five names are Risby, Ingham, Drinkstone, Kettelbaston, and Thinghoe.

^{page xliii note 5} For hides, B.C.S., no. 1269 (dated 970). For mansas, B.C.S., nos. 809, 1082. For cassatos, B.C.S., nos. 480, 1084.

^{page xliii note 6} Printed by Douglas in Eng. Hist. Rev., xliii. 376–85, and by A. J. Robertson in Anglo-Saxon Charters, p. 194.

^{page xliii note 7} There is no trace of the Danish ‘ manlot ’ or twelve-acre unit in the eight-and-a-half hundreds. This unit was not at all widespread in East Anglia. The examples of it quoted by Douglas come, in the main from the north-west corner of Norfolk, close to the Wash, where there seems to have been a genuine over-spill from the Danish settlement of Lincolnshire.

^{page xliv note 1} Supra, p. xxvi.

^{page xliv note 2} D.B., ii. 363.

^{page xliv note 3} D.B., ii. 364, and infra, p. 41.

^{page xliv note 4} Infra, p. 15.

^{page xliv note 5} Infra, p. 27.

^{page xliv note 6} D.B., ii. 365–6; infra, p. 52. Coney Weston was confirmed to the abbey c. 1051–2 or 1053–7 ‘ and alle þe þinge þat þereto mid rihte bire mid sake and mid sokne ’ … (F. E. Harmer, Anglo-Saxon Writs, no. 20).

^{page xliv note 7} D.B., ii. 357b–358; 364; infra, p. 41.

^{page xliv note 8} D.B., ii. 114, re Burston in the half-hundred of Diss. There are also several anomalies in the county boundaries. Thetford was partly in Norfolk and partly in Suffolk; Bures was partly in Suffolk and partly in two hundreds of Essex; part of Nayland was in Essex, but the whole of it gelded in Suffolk. See Round in V.C.H., Norfolk, ii. 5; Essex, i. 407.

^{page xlv note 1} H. W. C. Davis, ‘ The Liberties of Bury St. Edmunds ’, Eng. Hist. Rev., xxiv. 417–31. H. M. Cam points out that the assessment at eight-and-a-half or five-and-a-half hundred hides, must have come after the organization of these districts (Liberties and Communities in Medieval England, p. 89, n.).

^{page xlv note 2} Arnold, Memorials, i. 19.

^{page xlv note 3} Jolliffe, J. E. A., ‘ Northumbrian Institutions ’, Eng. Hist. Rev., xli. 2–3Google Scholar.

^{page xlv note 4} Jolliffe, Pre-Feudal England. The Jutes, p. 40.

^{page xlvi note 1} Jolliffe, Pre-Feudal England. The Jutes, p. 52.

^{page xlvi note 2} Ibid., pp. 32, 65.

^{page xlvi note 3} Gray, H. L., English Field Systems (Cambridge, Mass., 1915), pp. 352, 416Google Scholar.

^{page xlvi note 4} Eng. Hist. Rev., xxxiii. 62, xxxv. 78, xxxviii. 161, and xlii. 161.

^{page xlvi note 5} Ibid., xlvii. 353–76, reprinted in Liberties and Communities in Medieval England (Cambridge, 1944), pp. 64–90Google Scholar. Cf. Vinogradoff, English Society in the Eleventh Century, p. 139, no. 8.

^{page xlvii note 1} Infra, pp. 8, 25, 38–9.

^{page xlvii note 2} They are recorded, in a very confused way, in the Parliamentary Surveys of 1650 as ‘ the Quitt rents due from the Free and Customary tenants holding of the sayd Manor and Hundred (of Thedwarstre) they being not to be distinguisht ’. The Surveys are in the Public Record Office (E 317, 5; E 317, 8; E 317, 12).