^{page ix note 1} See infra, pp. xxxiv, li-liii.

^{page ix note 2} In Society of Antiquaries, MS. 60. It is best edited in A. J. Robertson, Anglo-Saxon Charters (henceforward cited as Robertson), nos. XXXIX and XL. Cf. also no. XXXVII, a deed of exchange from the same source.

^{page ix note 3} Chapter references refer to those of Book II.

^{page ix note 4} Robertson, p. 78, 1. 21.

^{page ix note 5} Robertson, p. 76, 1. 8 f.

^{page x note 1} Cf. Robertson, no. XLIV (from Westminster), or no. LXXVIII (from Hereford).

^{page x note 2} Post-Conquest writers at other houses, such as Ramsey and Thorney, had access to lost records of this type.

^{page x note 3} See cc. 37 and 47.

^{page x note 4} See Miller, E., in The Victoria County History of the County of Cambridge and the Isle of Ely, iv (1953), p. 5Google Scholar. Mr Miller, however, does not share my suspicions of the Edgar privilege.

^{page x note 5} See pp. xiii–xvi, infra.

^{page x note 6} D. Whitelock, Anglo-Saxon Wills, nos. XIV, XV.

^{page x note 7} Ibid., no. XIII.

^{page x note 8} See cc. 59–62, 65–70, 81, 83, 88 and 89.

^{page xi note 1} Cc. 62, 67, 88 and 89.

^{page xi note 2} D. Whitelock, op. cit., no. XXXI.

^{page xi note 3} This was pointed out by Stenton, F. M., ‘The Foundations of English History’, Transactions of the Roy. Hist. Soc., 4th series, ix (1926), p. 168 f.Google Scholar

^{page xi note 4} Anglo-Saxon Chronicle MS. A, s.a. 912 (C, D, 913) and MS. A, s.a. 920.

^{page xi note 5} Id., MS. A, s.a. 920 (correct date 917).

^{page xi note 6} Id., MS. A, s.a. 920. Here ‘ army ’ is used in the sense of Danish settlers.

^{page xi note 7} See Whitelock, D., ‘The Conversion of the Eastern Danelaw’, Saga-Book of the Viking Society, xii (1941), pp. 159–76Google Scholar.

^{page xii note 1} Saga-Book of the Viking Society, p. 174 f.

^{page xii note 2} ‘The Anti-Monastic Reaction in the Reign of Edward the Martyr’, Cambridge Historical Journal, x (1952), pp. 254–70Google Scholar.

^{page xii note 3} This no doubt translates the Old English inbyrde.

^{page xii note 4} Ed. J. Raine, Historians of the Church of York, i, p. 446.

^{page xiii note 1} Cf. Robertson, no. LIX, where a widow's property is declared forfeit because of a theft of title-deeds by her husband, who died during the process of the suit.

^{page xiii note 2} He and the king's reeve Eadric preside at a meeting at Wellingborough, Northants., in Historia Ramesiensis, ed. W. D. Macray, p. 79.

^{page xiii note 3} On these, see H. M. Cam, ‘ Early Groups of Hundreds ’, in Liberties and Communities in Medieval England. In the Liber Eliensis, II, ch. 12, the ealdorman presides at the meeting of a single hundred.

^{page xiii note 4} If Berlea in ch. 34 is Barley, Herts., and the Wulfstan who was reeve when it was forfeited is Wulfstan of Dalham, the latter must have held office in this county also.

^{page xiii note 5} Ælfric in his Vita S. Æthelwoldi (Chronicon monasterii de Abingdon, ed. J. Stevenson, ii (R.S.), p. 260) calls him quendam ministrorum suorum famosissimum, Uulfstanum vocabulo. The Life by Wulfstan adds that he was ‘ of Dalham ’.

^{page xiii note 6} VI Athelstan, 10.

^{page xiii note 7} W. Stubbs, Memorials of St Dunstan, p. 397 f.; translated by D. Whitelock, English Historical Documents c. 500–1042, no. 230.

^{page xiii note 8} Robertson, No. LXXVIII; D. Whitelock, op. cit., no. 135.

^{page xiv note 1} He witnesses a Kentish document, Robertson, no. LIX, but I doubt whether this justifies our identifying him with the reeve of this name who acts in Kent in this text. Wulfstan was a common name.

^{page xiv note 2} It glosses preses in the mid-tenth-century glosses in Cleopatra A. iii, and legatus in Ælfric's Glossary. It is applied to Kola who fought in Devon in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s.a. 1001 A, and to Æfic, killed by Ealdorman Leofsige in 1002. King Ethelred speaks in a charter (K.C.D., no. 719) of ‘ Æfic whom I considered the chief among my chief men ’.

^{page xiv note 3} See D. Whitelock, ‘ The Dealings of the Kings of England with Northumbria in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries ’, The Anglo-Saxons. Studies in some Aspects of their History and Culture presented to Bruce Dickins, ed. P. Clemoes, p. 78.

^{page xiv note 4} The long gap does not necessarily mean that two persons are involved, for few witness lists after 935 include signatories from Danelaw areas.

^{page xiv note 5} See the article cited supra, loc. cit.

^{page xiv note 6} The Peterborough document, Robertson, no. XL, p. 78, 1. 10, mentions Ulf eorles suna.Miss Robertson suggests that eorl is here used as a personal name, but it seems to me more probable that it refers to an earl in a similar position to Hereric and Scule.

^{page xiv note 7} At Slaughter (ch. 7), Taunton (ch. 25), London (ch. 35), or Kingston (ch. 49).

^{page xiv note 8} On these, see e.g. F. Liebermann, Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, ii: Glossar, s.v. lagamen; Stenton, F. M., in The Lincolnshire Domesday and the Lindsey Survey, ed. Foster, C. W. and Longley, T. L., pp. xxix–xxxGoogle Scholar.

^{page xv note 1} II Cnut, 19, 19.1, allow a plaintiff to go to the shire-court after three unsuccessful appeals in the hundred court.

^{page xv note 2} Freckenham is just across the border in Suffolk, but Picot, sheriff of Cambridgeshire, took action there and assumed that some part of it was terra regis. See R. Lennard, Rural England 1086–1135, p. 144, n. 2; p. 150, n. 1.

^{page xv note 3} III Æthelred, 14; V Æthelred, 3.2; II Cnut, 72, 72.1. Becwæð, 3.1, gives the formula used by the heir when replying to such a claim.

^{page xv note 4} In ch. 25 a horse worth three marks is mentioned. This can only mean silver. A horse worth three marks of gold is inconceivable.

^{page xv note 5} I.e. a long hundred of ores of silver reckoned at 16 pence to the ore.

^{page xv note 6} In Robertson, no. LXXXIII, land is said to have been bought ‘ unopposed and uncontested’. Cf. the formula unbryde 7 unforboden, Becwæð, 2.

^{page xvi note 1} I.e. Wulfstan—Æthelwine—the king—Bishop Æthelwold.

^{page xvi note 2} See e.g. Robertson, no. LXIX, and F. E. Harmer, Select English Historical Documents of the Ninth and Tenth Centuries, no. XXIII. In the latter, Eadgifu retains the title-deeds when restoring a man's estates, to ensure his loyalty. Retaining the deeds, she could easily recover the estates.

^{page xvi note 3} In VIII Æthelred, 27, a priest who is an accessory of thieves is to lose his orders, unless he make amends both to God and men as the bishop shall prescribe.

^{page xvi note 4} The bishop's inability to take action against Wulfstan suggests that this is the powerful thegn Wulfstan of Dalham, though he is usually depicted as a friend of the abbey.

^{page xvi note 5} It supplies some information on the early-tenth-century church, on which see p. xif., supra.

^{page xvi note 6} Harmer, op. cit., no. XVIII, translated by D. Whitelock, English Historical Documents c. 500–1042, no. 102.

^{page xvii note 1} E.g. in ch. 11a three hides at 100 shillings each are paid for with £15, and £7½ plus 30 shillings comes to £9; in ch. 25, 100 shillings plus £25 amounts to £30; cf. also cc. 35 f., 48, 49a.

^{page xvii note 2} Byrhtferth's Manual, ed. S. J. Crawford, p. 67; cf. also p. 193. The evidence for a twelve-penny shilling in the Old English translation of Exodus xxi. 10, which speaks of twelf scyllingas be twelf pæenegon, could come from a continental source, as does the statement in a penitential (B. Thorpe, Ancient Laws and Institutes, ii, p. 222) se riht scylling byð a be xii penegum ‘the correct shilling (i.e. when money is being paid instead of doing penance) is always reckoned at twelve pence.’

^{page xvii note 3} Mancus is used to render aureus by Bishop Wærferth; see e.g. Bischofs Wærferths von Worcester Übersetzung der Dialoge Gregors des Grossen, ed. H. Hecht, p. 65, 1. 4.

^{page xvii note 4} Robertson, pp. 252–57.

^{page xvii note 5} If it were not so clear that the aureus refers to gold, it would be tempting to take the composition of 100 aurei, paid in ch. 19, after the bishop's intercession with the king, by a man who had forfeited all his possessions, as the well-known fine of a long hundred of ores of silver. A hundred mancuses would be a heavy, but still a possible fine; a hundred ores of gold would be beyond the capacity of any individual to pay.

^{page xviii note 1} Yet the will of King Eadred (ed. Harmer, op. cit., no. XXI) gives instructions for the coining into mancuses of 2,000 mancuses of gold, while the will of the Atheling Athelstan (ed. D. Whitelock, Anglo-Saxon Wills, no. XX), by its insistence in two places that land had been paid for in ‘ mancuses of gold by weight’, suggests that payment in gold coins was not unknown c. 1015.

^{page xviii note 2} Either of these suggestions would imply a ratio of gold to silver of 10 : 1, for the mancus is always equated with thirty silver pence. This seems very low.