^{page 145 note a} The list of admissions given below, under date of admission, taken from the Southwell Register, is curiously incomplete.

The form of admission of canons was pretty much the same in all cases, though there is a curious variety of expression in detail. It is the exception when the canon is admitted in person. The first few forms are given as specimens.

^{page 146 note a} Randolph Bird, of Ripon, who is the first canon we come across (see p. 1), was also a canon and prebendary of York, Ripon, and S. Pancras, London. He had been appointed canon of Northwell in Southwell, 26 Oct. 1457, and canon of Oxton and Crophyll, 2nd part, 14 April, 1462. He appears to have become a residentiary at York on resigning this prebend. His will, proved at York, is given in Surteet Society, No. 45, Testament. Ebor, vol. iii. cxiii. It is dated 25 March, 1483.

^{page 146 note b} This proceeding seems to ignore the legal maxim “delegatus non potest delegare.”

^{page 146 note c} Chaterton or Chaderton was a typical secular canon. He was a great adherent of Edward IV., and afterwards of Henry VII., in whose reign he was a master in Chancery, and to whose Yorkist Queen he was chancellor. He had held the sacrist prebend since 29 Oct. 1472, when he became a residentiary; he held the prebend of Southmuskham only for a year, when he exchanged it for Northwell III., and this again 16 Nov. 1476 for Oxton and Crophill, and this again foi Dunham 8 April, 1485. He was also a canon and prebendary of Beverley, Ripon, Lincoln, S. Paul's, Westminster, and Salisbury; Warden of Sibthorpe College; Rector of Calverton, Bucks; Dean of Barking; and Archdeacon at the same time of Chester, Salisbury, and Totness. This last piece of pluralism is rather astonishing, as an archdeacon, unlike a canon, had cure of sould; laxity though there was as to plurality in benefices without cure, the line was generally drawn at archdeaconries. Chaterton's will, 6 April, 1499, is at Somerset House. He died before 27 Aug., 1499.

^{page 147 note a} George Neville, Bishop of Exeter, brother of Warwick the kingmaker, Chancellor of England, made archbishop by Edward IV. in 1465. He died 8 June, 1476.

^{page 147 note b} Sic, but the name was Rainalds, i.e., Reynolds, as appears from Archbishop Booth's Register where his collation was entered in 1459.

^{page 148 note a} This is rather odd. Fletcher had been admitted three years before on death of Averel or Averyll. Probably it is a mistake of the clerk.

^{page 148 note b} Chawndler (see p. 48, where, in A.D. 1434, he is accused of not keeping up the hedge between the vicars’ garden and his prebendal mansion at southwell) was a great person. He was admitted a Scholar of Winchester, A.D. 1430; was Fellow of New College; Warden of Winchester, A.D. 1450; Warden of New College, A.D. 1453 (Kirby's Winchester Scholars). He was Chancellor of Wells and York, Dean of Chapel Royal, and Secretary of State; d. 2 Nov. 1490. He was Chancellor of the University of Oxford at least from 5 July, 1457 to 3 June, 1467. (Anstey. Mum. Acad. ii., p. 667, &c.)

^{page 148 note c} Canon of York and Windsor; Bishop of Bath and of Exeter, under Henry VII.

^{page 148 note d} The collation is accordingly said to be made by John, Bishop of Lincoln, by the authority of Thomas (Rotherham) Abp. of York.

^{page 148 note e} This is said to be “per dimissionem” of Chaderton, in the sense of surrender, as he can hardly have leased it.

^{page 149 note a} He was called J. Stoke on admission the year before.

^{page 149 note b} Nykks or Nikke was also a Canon of York, and became Bishop of Norwich, A.D. 1600–15. His visitations of Norfolk religious houses fill the greater part of Dr. Jessopp's Camden publication in 1888.

^{page 149 note c} Canon also of Ripon and York. See Surtees Society, Mem. of Ripon, ii., p. 198.

^{page 149 note d} Canon of Lincoln and Ripon. See S. S. Ripon, II. p. 197. Edmund Carpenter, p. 12, must be a mistake.

^{page 149 note e} J. Danvers, who was several times Chawndeler's vice chancellor or “commissarius generalis” at Oxford Anstey, Mun. Acad., p. 680, &c), and was also Canon of York, had been collated to Normanton, 13 March, 1463. He retired on a pension of £14 a year, the agreement for payment of which by his successor is set out. It was to be paid at the High Altar of S. Magnus the Martyr, near the Bridge, London.

^{page 149 note f} Probably proctor at Oxford for All Souls’ College in 1480; admitted Fellow there, 1468.

^{page 150 note a} Cranebole, otherwise Carnbull, was Canon of York, Beverley, Lincoln, and Fellow of Archbishop Rotherham's magnificent College of Jesus, at Rotherham, in Yorkshire, an imitation of Winchester College, a poor remnant of which still constitutes the Grammar School foundation there. Carnbull's will is given in S S. Test, Ebor. v., 28.

^{page 150 note b} Barra, or Barry, was also a Canon of York. His will is given supra, p. 125.

^{page 150 note c} Carpenter, also Canon of Lincoln and Ripon. See S.S. Ripon, ii., 197.

^{page 150 note d} In the entry of his admission it is stated that he was collated by Henry VII., sede vacante.

^{page 151 note a} Canon and Treasurer of York.

^{page 151 note b} He was Canon of York, Archdeacon of Nottingham.

^{page 151 note c} Proctor at Cambridge 1501, Canon of York, d. 1522. T. Kendall is probably a mistake for J.

^{page 151 note d} He was probably a son of the Recorder of London, afterwards Lord Chief Baron, who secretly admitted Edward IV. to London on his final return to power. He is the Sir Christopher Urswick in Shakespeare's Richard III., Act IV., Scene 5, who is sent by the Earl of Derby to Richmond with the message of his intended treachery. Urswick had his reward in becoming the King's almoner and Dean of Windsor. He was also a Canon of York, having been Dean there and Archdeacon of Richmond, Wilts, and Surrey.

^{page 151 note e} He was Secretary of State during Wolsey's tenure of power, and Canon of York, Dean of Exeter and S. Paul's; see his life in Milman's “Annals of S. Paul's.”

^{page 152 note a} Canon of york.

^{page 152 note b} See note on p. 127.

^{page 152 note c} This was Wolsey's son, whose list of clerical preferments was remarkable. He was, amongst other things, Canon of York and Archdeacon of West Riding and Richmond. He was Dean of Wells when, on the very eve of his fall, 6 Oct. 1528, Wolsey calmly wrote to Henry VIII. to suggest that his “pore scoler” should be made Bishop of Durham “when I shulde fortune to leve the same.”

^{page 153 note a} Canon also of York, Lincoln, Howden, and Hemingborough. His will is in S. S. Test. Ebor,, V. 241.

^{page 153 note b} A chauntry priest of York Cathedral, Canon of Ripon. S. S. Ripon, II. p. 243.

^{page 154 note a} This list is mainly from Le Neve, iii., p. 415, drawn up by Mr. J. F. Dimcek, late a vicar choral of Southwell. The reference (W. B.) is to the Southwell White Book, in which the foundation deeds of those prebends whose foundation is known are given. A.D. 1535 was the date of the Valor Ecclesiasticus; 1540 of the surrender to Henry VIII., Rymer's Fædera, vi., p. 30, ed. 1741;1547 of the Certificates of Colleges and Chauntries, Record Office, No. 37.

^{page 154 note b} The nature of the endowment is from the Valor Ecclesiasticus, 1535. 1291 is the date of Pope Nicholas's taxation; 1547 of the last (Edward VI.) Certificates of Chauntries. It is to be noted that while the ancient prebends, whose endowment was mainly land, had gone up in value; the rest, whose endowment was largely tithe, had gone down. As the net income is taken in both cases, one explanation is that the outgoings are larger. The fines on renewals of leases do not appear in the value.

^{page 155 note a} It is not certain, but probable, that he is the same person as Walter Waretyr who resigned in 1497. Edmund Warter was still prebendary in 1475, as Stephen Clerk, his vicar choral, complains (p. 24 supra) that his wages are in arrear.

^{page 156 note a} Dean was precentor and residentiary at Ripon. He, with Downes of Norwell Palishall, and Marshall of Rampton, procured a charter of inspeximus and confirmation for the minster from Elizabeth in this year.

^{page 156 note b} According to a list given by Browne “Willis, Mitred Abbies, vol. 2, p. 169.

^{page 157 note a} Archdeacon of Cleveland. He is called Langrysche in the surrender to Henry VIII. in 1540.

^{page 157 note b} In 1558 our old friend Edward Brerely, the chapter clerk, was made prebendary.

^{page 157 note c} This is Mr. Dimock's statement in Le Neve, apparently founded on Dickinson's History of Southwell. There hardly seems sufficient reason for the statement that there were only three prebends at first. It is probably founded on the Domesday entry: “In Sudwelle tres clerici habent iv carucatas terrse et dimidium,” and an agreement dated St. Oswald's day, 1266 (White Book, p. 20) between the prebendaries of Normanton and the two Northwells for the division of the tithes of Southwell parish between them. But Domesday Book really suggests that there were more, as it specifies lands of the canons also in Crophill and Woodburgh. It is probable there were originally seven canons, as at York and Beverley, afterwards represented by the prebends of Normanton, three of Norwell, Oxton, Northmuskharn, and Woodburgh, as there are no known foundation deeds of these. The Sacrist prebend, of which also there are no foundation deeds was rather an office than a prebend.

^{page 157 note d} White's name is not given in Le Neve, Mr. Dimcck not having, apparently, consulted Rymer or Chauntry Certificates

^{page 160 note a} But it is probable that the name has been misread by Rymer, as Wynter resigued the prebend of Norwell Overhall in 1529 on Wolsey's fall, when he was made to resign nearly all his preferments.

^{page 160 note b} Archdeacon of Lincoln, 1554–9; joined in procuring a new charter from Elizabeth in 1558.

^{page 160 note c} In 1535 the net endowment was only £1 2s. 6½d. There is some mistake in the arithmetic in 1547, as the figures show a minus quantity to go to the prebendary but the total as in the text. No doubt the offerings had declined.

^{page 161 note a} Any canon might, it seems, become a residentiary after a year from his collation, if at Michaelmas he publicly “protested” or declared his intention to reside. Residence only meant three months or twelve weeks during the year. See Statutes, post.

^{page 161 note b} Worsley was afterwards Dean of St. Paul's. In Surtees Society Testamenta Ebor. IV. No. 77, a tremendous list of his preferments, including the Archdeaconry of Nottingham, is given.

^{page 162 note a} This is somewhatimysterious. Apparently the “power of attorney” to Gregory, which ought to have been sealed with Chatterton's own seal, was sealed with the seal of Thurgarton Priory on his request, perhaps because he, as a simple and newly promoted prebendary, had not a seal or had not one sufficiently well known, so he got the convent to authenticate the document by their seal.

^{page 163 note a} The archbishop, like his brother the kingmaker, had changed sides so often that on Edward's readmission to London in 1471 and restoration lie was arrested, and eventually sent prisoner to Calais and Guisnes. He was released in 1475, but died the next year.

^{page 163 note b} This dispensation was in accordance with a statute of Archbishop Walter Grey in 1225, “Si quis autem fratrum infra tempus residentiæ necesse habuit exire pro negotio urgenti, de liceatia fratrum tune residentium ad certum tempus exire poterit, et pro residenti nichilo minus haheatur.”

^{page 163 note c} This is written on the front fly-leaf of the register. It shows that a residentiary canonry was not very valuable.

^{page 163 note d} It must be between 1522—as Dragley's protestation of residence took place in 1521—and 1526, when Barra made his will and almost immediately after died. In the Valor Ecclesiatticus, 1535, the common fund is stated at æ49 14d. 8s.

^{page 164 note a} These were the moneys payable under statute of Abp. Walter Gray, 20 Ap., 1225 (W. B., p. 44 for attending matins, 3d. on ordinary feasts, 6d. on the greater feasts.

^{page 164 note b} The profits of vacant prebends belonged to the residentiaries, after the year of the Canon's death, during which the profits were applicable for his soul or the payment of his debts, according to Bull of Alexander III., A.D. 1171. (W. B., p. 1.)

^{page 164 note c} This is written at the top of the page, not apparently specially apropos to the subject.

^{page 164 note d} This shows some of the profits which the residentiaries enjoyed beyond the division of the common fund, in rents, fines, and patronage.

^{page 165 note a} The incompleteness of the entries of protestation of residence given in the register (see the next two pages), is shown by there being no entry of Basset's protestation, who in 1535 is returned as “Residentiary the soole,” nor of the other two Residentiaries of 1546 and 1547.

^{page 166 note a} The proctor was generally and properly the vicar choral of the prebend, who appeared for his “lord” (dominus), or “master” (magister).

^{page 166 note b} Chatterton had changed his prebend in Jan. 1474, to South Muskham, again, in 1475, to Norwell III., and in 1485 to Dunham, which appears to have been in request as the richest prebend.

^{page 166 note c} Chatterton had probably broken his residence and had to start fresh.

^{page 166 note d} There is an entry just above this in which William Fitzherbert licenses Thomas to begin his residence at Michaelmas, though he had not held his prebend for a year as the law required, and allowed him to take rank as second senior residentiary.

^{page 167 note a} This is a useful passage, as it describes the custodes as “custodibus communæ canonicorum, sive gardianis hujus ecclesise,” offices which might otherwise have been thought distinct.

^{page 167 note b} There are two entries of dispensation to Clarburgh on pp. 31 and 34 of the Register for non-residence. The first is dated 6 Sept. 1532, in which Clarburgh brought, by way of excuse, letters from the king, Henry VIII., by virtue of which he would have to be “in oppido de Calice,” or on the way there at Michaelmas, and so could not protest in person, and therefore is allowed to appear by proxy. The other is 21 Feb. 1532, in which, ex post facto, his proctor appears and says Clarburgh had kept 10 weeks’ residence all but one day and had been absent on pressing business of the king's. He is accordingly allowed to reckon his residence as complete.

^{page 168 note a} The forms of entry of admissions of vicars choral are as a rule very short and of great variety. A full form is given in the text.

^{page 168 note b} It will be noticed that the prebendary presents, as was natural, since he paid, his own vicar choral or choir-deputy, and the chapter admits him. If, however, the prebendary did not present within a month of a vacancy occurring, the presentation lapsed to the chapter. A large proportion of the presentations are made by the chapter “by lapse.”

^{page 168 note c} The vicars choral were supposed to examine proposed vicars choral to see that they knew their business of singing the services and had good characters. Whether they ever rejected candidates does not appear.

^{page 168 note d} It does not appear where stated.

^{page 169 note a} This is mainly compiled from the “Admissiones Vicariorum Choralicum,” pp. 36–43 of the register, and the “Resignationes Vicariorum,” pp. 96–100, which are in fact very much mixed up, and from other references picked out of the register. The reference to 1535 is to the Valor Ecclesiasticus. The reference to 1540 is to the surrender to Henry VIII., 12 Aug. Rymer's Fœdera, vi., p. 30., ed. 1741, where the names of the vicars and their stalls are given. The list of 1547 (Chauntry Certificates No. 37) only gives the vicars' names. The list of 1553 is of pensioners in that year. Browne Willis, ii., p. 162. The pensions were £6 each. The value of each Vicar Choralship was returned in 1535 at £7 4s. 8½d.: viz., £4 paid by the canon of the stall, and £3 4s. 8½d. from certain common lands, tithes, &c, after deducting all outgoings. The common lands were returned in 1546 as worth £127 7s. 4d., and in 1547 at £124 19s. 10d.

^{page 169 note b} Adamson is described as “of thage of lxvi years, unlerned, having none other promocion.”

^{page 170 note a} On 25 Sept. 1501, p. 41, Smyth, who was also churchwarden, having been presented to the rectory of Waltham, was called on either to get within six months a dispensation to hold it or to resign his vicar choralship. As he stayed he presumably got the dispensation for plurality.

^{page 170 note b} Complaint at visitation of his stipend being in arrear.

^{page 170 note c} 1547, “of thage of xxxvi yeres, sober and honest, having none other promocion.” He was made “assistant to the cure,” or curate, of John Adams when the college was dissolved in 1548.

^{page 171 note a} 1547, “Of thage of xxxiiii yeres, unlerned, being Vicar of North Leverton, having none other promocion.”

^{page 171 note b} He was also chauntry priest in the free chapel of Normanton by Southwell on presentation of Thomas Hunt, gent. 1 Oct. 1505.

^{page 171 note c} 1547, “of the age of xxxi yeres, having none other promotion.”

^{page 172 note a} From what took place about the farm of the prebend of Normanton, see text, p. 6 supra, it would appear that Gurnell was vicar choral of Normanton.

^{page 172 note b} Described, 1547, as “of the age of xxxii yeres, unlerned, having the parsonage of Barnalby in Lincoln diocese.”

^{page 172 note c} He was proctor of the prebendary of this prebend at this time, see p. 13 supra.

^{page 172 note d} He became parish vicar of Southwell, and died such in 1499.

^{page 173 note a} His name is spelt both ways in the same entry.

^{page 173 note b} He is punished and resigns, to be readmitted on promise of good behaviour, p. 65 supra.

^{page 173 note c} In 1547 he is put first of the vicars, and described as “of thage of Ix yeres, ympotent, unlerned, having none other lyving.” In 1546 he is called Robert Goland.

^{page 173 note d} His presentation to the rectory was no doubt the reason why he resigned. The living was part of the possessions of the alien Priory of Ravendale given for the benefit of the vicars by Henry VI.

^{page 174 note a} His resignation was to take effect if he did not within 12 days resign the presentation to the rectory of Hatcliff to the chapter, as apparently the chapter did not tolerate pluralities except in themselves, As he retained the vicar choralship he probably resigned the rectory.

^{page 174 note b} Described in 1547 as “of thage of xl. yeres, lerned, having a parsonage of viii li by yere.”

^{page 174 note c} Bull was sacristan at the visitation of 1481, as he is complained of for not sleeping in the church, as Keyle had been at the former visitation in 1478.

^{page 174 note d} With a solemn warning to behave himself peacefully among his brethren.

^{page 175 note a} Matthew Torte, described 1547 as “of the age of xl yeres, sober and honest, having a small benefice.” He was made “assistant to the cure” of his prebendary Adams in 1548, when the church was turned into a simple parish church. In a deed of 22 April 1568 (Register of Leases) he appears as prebendary (of Woodborough) and (probably) a residentiary.

^{page 175 note b} He complains at the visitation of 1475 that his salary is in arrear in default of Mr. Lacy, the prebendary of Wodborough, his master (p. 24, supra.). He probably held it later than 1502, as he is continually mentioned as one of the gardiani or custodes fabricæ from 1498 up to that date.

^{page 176 note a} In point of fact there was commonly a sort of “general post” among the chauntry priests when a promotion of one to a richer chantry took place.

^{page 176 note b} Avotson had just been appointed by Horneby. as cauon of Normanton, parochial Vicar of Southwell on Roper's death (same day, p. 66).

^{page 176 note c} This is the third chantry of St. Thomas the Martyr, called Newton, because its property was largely in that place.

^{page 176 note d} This is a side note in a later hand.

^{page 177 note a} See pp. 52 and 77, supra. A very large proportion of the chauntries in the country were either by their founder, or by custom, or by their governing bodies appropriated to support Grammar School Masters.

^{page 178 note a} I have collected under the headings of the separate chauntries the admissions and resignations scattered in two separate parts of the book in chronological order. There are a few parochial chauntries to which the chapter presented, which I hare not included. The list of chauntries is compiled from (i.) a deed in the White Book (p. 413), dated 1 Sept. 1413, stated to have been made by the chapter at the request of the chauntry priests as a convenient evidence of title, being by way of Inspeximus or recital of an Inquisition into the titles of the separate chauntries, taken 24 March, 1372, by the Prior of Thurgarton and Master John Crophill, Canon of Southwell, with a mixed jury of clerks and laymen. It gives shortly the foundation and endowment of each of the nine chauntries then existing, (ii.) the certificates of chauntries taken under the Chauntries and Colleges Suppression Acts of Henry VIII. A.D. 1546 (Certificate 13), and Edward VI. A.D. 1547 (Certificate 37), which are peculiarly full for the Southwell chauntries. They give the founder's name, the then holder, and the gross and net income. The later certificate also gives the age of the holder, whether learned or not, and if he holds any other preferment or “promotion.” The two certificates differ in almost every instance as to the value of the chauntry, both gross and net, sometimes only by a few pence, sometimes one or two pounds. The Edwardian certificate is the lowest, showing divers deductions. I have given that of Henry. (iii.) the foundation deeds in the White Book of the nine earlier chauntries, scattered notices in the Register, and in Surtees Society Test. Ebor. of later ones.

^{page 178 note b} In Henry's certificates of chauntries S. Thomas the Martyr is called Thomas Bekett, and one of the three chauntries is said to be dedicated to S. Thomas the Apostle, and the other two are treated as one chauntry with two priests; but in Edward's certificate the three are all called as of T. Beckett at one altar, and the third chauntry is put first.

^{page 178 note c} This is the date of an ordination by Archbishop Walter (Gray) (White Book, p. 330) concerning the church of Barneburgh, near Doncaster, the presentation to which Robert Lexington had given to the chapter, though it seems to refer to the third chauntry priest as already existing. The rector of Barneburgh was to pay 23 marks, £15 6s. 8d., by 4 equal yearly payments for 2 priests, 2 deacons, and 2 subdeacons; £8 a year to the priests, £4 for the deacons, £3 16s. 8d. to the subdeacons, “who for ever at the altar of the Blessed Thomas tho Martyr in the church of Southwell for the souls of good memory of King John, Brian de Insula, the father, mother, brother, sisters, and all the relations (parentum) and benefactors of Sir Robert de Lexinton, Canon of Southwell, and for all faithful souls alive and dead, shall daily celebrate the divine offices, following the choir of Southwell as the vicars do (sequentes chorum ecclesiæ Suthwell more vicariorum), and saying daily placebo, dirige, and commendation for the said departed before the said altar together with the chaplain, who by the assignment of the said Robert de Lexinton, ministers there;” but they are not to be bound to say these on any day in which they shall have been said in the choir in their presence; the deacons are to take weekly turns in ministering at high mass, and share in the common fund with their order; and are to serve the chaplains at the celebration of mass and office for the dead in the said chapel; and both priests and clerks are to be daily present at the celebration of the mass of the Blessed Mary. Half a mark is also to be paid for a wax light and for keeping up the ornaments.

^{page 179 note a} So called from its possessions consisting principally of a rent of £3 4s. from land in Newton.

^{page 179 note b} Deed of this date, Reg. Leases, p. 200.

^{page 179 note c} He had probably been appointed in 1534, as in that year another person was appointed to S. Mary Magdalen's chauntry, which he had formerly held.

^{page 179 note d} The license in mortmain for its foundation given to Oliver Sutton, Bishop of Lincoln, Richard Sutton“s executor, is 1 Oct. 1283. Richard was dead in 1274 (W. B. p. 296). It took no less than 12 deeds to effect this foundation.

^{page 180 note a} There is a remarkable and peculiar provision in the foundation deed of this chauntry (W. B. p. 306) that the chaplain “shall daily celebrate divine service for his soul and the souls of others above written, sometimes singing, sometimes intoning (quandoque cantando, quandoque legendo) according as the Lord shall inspire him, to the greater excitement of the devotion of those hearing him.”

^{page 180 note b} The date is fixed by Richard de Sutton, dead before 1274; Henry de Mora, made Canon in 1242, and Geoffrey de Bocland, Dean of St. Martin's-le-Grand, Canon of Boverle, and Canon and Precentor of Ripon, cirea 1230 (Mem. of Ripon, I. 101–2), being witnesses of the foundation deed. (W. B. p. 301–5.)

^{page 180 note c} He is called Hardyng in the next preceding entry on his admission to Newton chauntry.

^{page 180 note d} According to Certificates of Chauntries this annexation was permanent. The chapel of Halam was worth £1 16s. 8d. a year, “whereunto resort the a c houselynge people,” i.e., 100 communicants. It was held in 1546 and 1547 by Palmer, the chauntry priest, aged 56.

^{page 181 note a} This is very puzzlingly called in some places one of the chauntries of S. Nicholas, e.g. W. B. p. 100 (b). In certificates of chauntries it is called S. Stephen, otherwise Nicholas.

^{page 181 note b} Called in the deed of 1413 Ballivum; in English “Bayle,” “Bayley,” and in Certificates of CJuinntries “Bailie.” He was a bailiff of the Archbishop of York's manor of Southwell.

^{page 181 note c} Fixed by one of the documents, but not one immediately affecting the foundation, being dated 1245, and by Richard de Sutton being a witness to an actual foundation deed. (W. B. 411 and 402.)

^{page 181 note d} It had been augmented by a new gift in 1445 by John Duffield, Canon of Southwell and Archdeacon of Cleveland (W. B. 393).

^{page 181 note e} He is mentioned in the visitation of that year as having held this chauntry before.

^{page 181 note f} In Edward VI.'s certificate he is called “Francis Clark alias Haull, of the age of 42 yeres, unlerned.” He was alive in 1574 when the west part of the channtry house is let to a layman, with a proviso that he is to let Sir Francis Hall and Sir Richard Harryson, “some time Chauntrie Priests,” enjoy their two several chambers therein for their lives.

^{page 181 note g} The date is fixed by a deed of Vavasour's dated 1275 (W. B. p. 323–6) and 1280, when, according to Torre, Vavasour was dead.

^{page 181 note h} It had received subsequent endowment.

^{page 182 note a} Will 12 Feb. 1535 (p. 225) he describes himself as Chauntry Priest of St. John Baptist Chauntry.

^{page 182 note b} This is given to the presentation of the vicars choral.

^{page 182 note c} It appears from N. Knolles or Knoll's will, 1490 (Reg. p. 124), that this was in the “North yle.”

^{page 182 note d} The actual foundation deed is by Robert of Lexington for the sustentation of Thomas de la Barre, chaplain, and his successor, to have with them one fit chaplain to celebrate the missa de defunctis for the soul of Dominus Henry de Notingham at the altar of S. John Evangelist, where the bones of the said Henry are resting. The witnesses are the same as to Lexington's own foundation (W. B. p. 421).

The largest part of the endowment was 6 marks, part of 10 marks (£6 13s. 4d.), payable to the chapter, from the prior and convent of Sixhill, of the order of Sempringham (Gilbertine Canons). There is an amusing letter (W. B. p. 426) from the chapter, 12th Dec. 1332, to the convent to make them pay up this rent in arrear. It begins by wishing the convent “that which they have not deserved, health;” and goes on “we wonder not a little and not without reasonable cause are disturbed that you, religious men, who so often celebrate divine service, do not regard the peril of your souls, in neglecting, at the instigation of the sower of tares to pay our rent, … especially as so often all and singular withholding rents due to our Church have been solemnly excommunicated in the Church,” and, after telling them to pay up within six days, hopes that Christ will deign to give them a spirit of saner counsel.

^{page 183 note a} Entry headed (in late hand) “Cantarista aleator.” He is summoned at this date for “ludo ad le hasarde et le bowlyng,” warned to abstain from such games for the future, and admitted the injunction by signing his name.

^{page 183 note b} Kingston is very likely the same person as Robinson. He is described as “of the age of 66 years, moderately learned,” and vicar of the parish of Southwell.

^{page 183 note c} So described in the register, but there is an altar of S. Mary which, in the foundation deed of S. Nicholas' Chauntry (A.D. 1274), has a separate gift to it from the “greater altar of S. Mary,” which last is probably the high altar.

^{page 183 note d} In the register it is described as “chauntry founded at altar of B. V. M.,” as “Gunthorpe's chauntry at the altar of S. Michael,” and as “the chauntry of B. V. M. at altar of S. Michael founded by Gunthorpe.” In Gunthorpe's deed (1395), (W. B., p. 360), he is to celebrate “in the chapel of S. Mary, situate on the north side (parte) of the church.” In the deed of 1413 it is said that “this chauntry is called the chauntry of S. Mary, the chaplain of which holds the church of Wheatley, and by himself or another fit chaplain celebrates daily at Southwell Our Lady's Mass with Note, at the usual hour, which church became so poor in the first pestilence that the chaplain could not support the burden,” and so it was augmented by Gunthorpe, late canon.

^{page 183 note e} He appears to have held the chauntry from at least 1475, as at the visitation of that year he complains of a payment not being made to the chauntry of B. V. M., and has a dispensation given him by the chapter to eat and drink before singing Our Lady's Mass.

^{page 183 note f} This entry is crossed oat and Vac. written in margin.

^{page 184 note a} The alternative title is given in the certificates of chauntries, where also it is said to be founded by “T. Haxeye, who builded the comen house,” viz. of the chauntry priests. Hyll, too, is called “Presbyter matutinalis.” The chauntry was it appears (Register, p. 54) in the gift of the vicars choral.

^{page 184 note b} The deed of above date only names certain lands given to the chapter “for the support of certain burdens and works of piety in the said church according to his (Haxey's) ordination on this part to be made.” These included, apparently, the “common lands” of the chauntry priests, out of which various payments were made, including 13s. 4d. to the vicars choral, and 20s. for bread, wine, and wax.

^{page 184 note c} He must have been admitted after 25th May, 1536, as he was then admitted to S. Thomas’ Chauntry No. 2.

^{page 184 note d} This is the designation given to it in the certificates of chauntries. But the chauntry was certainly in the chapel of St. John the Baptist, as it is described (p. 54 of the register) as “in the chapel of St. John Baptist at the altar of S. Cuthbert,” nothing being said about Our Lady. Booth had been Bp. of Durham, hence S. Cuthbert's name, and it was in that chapel that the Archbishop by his will directed his body to be buried, on the south side of it. (See note, p. 115, sup.)

^{page 185 note a} His will is of this date. He was probably the first holder. He describes himself as “chauntry chaplain of one of the two chauntries of Bothe, newly founded.”

^{page 185 note b} See p. 58 and 62, supra.

^{page 185 note c} This is from Certificates of Chauntries. It is not mentioned in the White Book. In the register, however, the chauntry is described sometimes as Robert Oxton's. One Rob. de Oxton, Canon of York, died in 1408. Probably he was the founder. This is the only chauntry in which the value is the same in the two certificates.

^{page 185 note d} In 1540 he is spelt Sawer, 1547 Sawyer, 1553 Tawier, probably by Browne Willis's mistake for Sawier.

^{page 185 note e} This is the heading in the register, but as a matter of fact no admission to the deacons' stalls are given.

^{page 186 note a} Scholar means that he is studying at the University.

^{page 186 note b} He became chauntry priest in 1530, vicar choral 1531, chapter clerk 1534, and was appropriately made a canon on the resuscitation of the Church under Elizabeth, 1558.

^{page 186 note c} This must be a new John Bull, not our old friend, who was now warden.

^{page 187 note a} There were two incense bearers and six choristers. The form of admission for thuribuler is the same (substituting the word) as for chorister. Only one admission of a thuribuler is recorded,

^{page 187 note b} Nevyll is called in another entry “verus patronus choristarum,” and W. Nevyll is so called in a later, but how they became patrons, and whether it was a merely personal right of patronage and how acquired, does not appear.

^{page 187 note c} There is a strongly simoniacal look about this transaction.