^{page 53 note 1} f.5v. See p. 63.

^{page 53 note 2} See p. 164. Barnabe Rich also sought to press home his point by drawing upon the example of the ancient Empires: ‘Where are now become the dominions of the Assyrians and Persians? What is become of the glory of the rich citie of Athens.… Or where is now the pomp and power of the Macedonians …’, Allarme to England, 29.Google Scholar

^{page 54 note 1} Sig. ¶iv^v

^{page 54 note 2} The Cyropaedia had been published by Wolfe in an English translation by W. Barkar in 1560 (STC 26066). The collected works of Xenophon had been published in Latin at Basle in 1545.

^{page 54 note 3} Ælianus; Tacticus; De instruendis aciebus. First published edition, Rome, 1487.

^{page 54 note 4} De Re Militari, see p. 118.

^{page 54 note 5} Berosi Babylonii Antiquitatum liber, (1560); there were several other editions of these suppositious fragments.

^{page 54 note 6} See p. 101. For other works familiar to George at a later stage, see below, MS 5.

^{page 54 note 7} Iohannes Sleidanus (John Philippson), A briefe chronicle of the foure principall empyres. London, 1563Google Scholar. (STC, 19849); De quatuor summis imperiis, London, 1584 (STC, 19847).Google Scholar

^{page 54 note 8} See p.82. It is quite probable that, in common with other scholars since, Wyatt confused the Caldeans of the Old Testament, who were Babylonians, with the Chaldeans of Xenophon, who came from the mountainous country between Armenia and the Black Sea.

^{page 55 note 1} This confusion arises partly, at least, from an imperfect appreciation of the differences in Roman methods at different periods. Vegetius, his main late authority, is particularly vague in this respect.

^{page 55 note 2} George's knowledge of the plans and organization of the ‘consort’ did not come from the surviving documents; presumably he obtained this information from someone who had been directly involved. See also p. 163.

^{page 55 note 3} See p. 60.

^{page 56 note 1} This note and similar subsequent marginalia are in Richard Wyatt's hand, and stand fully in the margin in the MS.

^{page 56 note 2} See pp. 166–8.

^{page 56 note 3} It was presumably before this stage was reached that the project was rendered abortive by the Protector's fall. See p. 165.

^{page 56 note 4} Edward Seymour, Duke of Somerset.

^{page 56 note 5} This is clearly a reference to the dispute between Somerset and John Dudley, Earl of Warwick, which came to a head in October 1549.

^{page 57 note 1} 1516–75. A boon companion of Sir Thomas Wyatt and the Earl of Surrey in 1543, he probably also fought with them in the campaign of 1544, and remained abroad until the end of the reign. He was knighted at the coronation of Edward VI, and served as Ambassador to France from 1550 to 1551. Indicted for complicity in Wyatt's conspiracy and rising, he made good his escape to France, and spent much of Mary's reign in exile. He was restored to favour in 1558, and employed in a number of small missions by Elizabeth, but never entrusted with high office.

^{page 57 note 2} Sir James Croftes. A Herefordshire man, he had also served at Boulogne in 1544, and been knighted at Edward's coronation. He went with the Protector to Scotland in 1547, and remained there until 1549. In May 1551 he became Lord Deputy of Ireland. He was tried and condemned for his part in the rising, but was subsequently pardoned. See DNB and TTC.

^{page 57 note 3} 1516–50. Eldest son of Thomas Wilford of Hartridge, Kent. He was Provost Marshal of the Protector's army in Scotland, and won fame as the defender of Haddington. Wounded and taken prisoner in 1549, he was released in November of the same year, and returned to Kent, but died in November 1550.

^{page 57 note 4} Edward Randall, a son of Avery Randall of Badlesmere, and probably a professional soldier. He was involved in both the rising of 1554, and Dudley's conspiracy of 1556, but suffered no punishment. He fought in Scotland, France and Ireland in the early years of Elizabeth's reign, and was killed in 1566. TTC, 207–8.Google Scholar

^{page 57 note 5} Probably Thomas Cotton of West Peckham, who was associated with Lord Cobham and Sir William Cobham in the grant of the Stewardship of the Royal Hundred of Littlefield in 1551. Hasted, II, 256.

^{page 57 note 6} The mathematician and military writer. Son of James Digges of Digges Court, Barham, and father of Thomas Digges.

^{page 57 note 7} A son of Sir John Rudstone of London. He was also involved in the rising. TTC, 81.Google Scholar

^{page 57 note 8} Considered and planned beforehand, OED.

^{page 58 note 1} Presumably a reference to the Armada. The Spanish menace is a theme to which George constantly reverts.

^{page 58 note 2} Sic: presumably for ‘former’.

^{page 58 note 3} Marginal note in George Wyatt's hand. Fully in the margin in MS.

^{page 58 note 4} Some armouries of this kind were established by the middle years of Elizabeth's reign, and the government made a number of attempts to bolster the armaments industry. Ths Welsh counties were ahead of the English in this respect, several of them having county armouries by 1569. Boynton, L., The Elizabethan Militia (London, 1967), 21Google Scholar, Cruikshank, , Elizabeth's Army, 102–129Google Scholar. See also p. 165.

^{page 59 note 1} See pp. 163–4. George's own dependence on these authors is much more obvious than his father's.

^{page 59 note 2} Page damaged.

^{page 59 note 3} Idem.

^{page 59 note 4} William du Bellay, Sieur de Langey, brother of the Bishop of Paris, and gentleman of the Privy Chamber to Francis I. He was sympathetic to religious as well as military reform, which was probably an additional commendation in George's eyes. L and P, V, no. 1147.

^{page 59 note 5} Page damaged.

^{page 59 note 6} By an ordinance of 24 July 1534, Francis created 7 provincial legions, each of 6000 men, divided into 6 companies. Terrasse, Charles, François I^er (Paris, 1945–1948), II, 232–3.Google Scholar

^{page 59 note 7} Presumably MS 23.

^{page 60 note 1} Page damaged.

^{page 60 note 2} Idem.

^{page 60 note 3} Idem.

^{page 60 note 4} This reference remains unexplained. A bill ‘concerning Captains and soldiers’ was discussed in Parliament in 1588, another similar measure was introduced in the Commons in December 1597, and a bill ‘concerning musters’ in 1601. None of these measures passed, and there is no reliable information as to what they purported, but it is clear that the government was, as George suggests, preoccupied with plans for military reform, and that parliamentary resistance was adamant. Cruickshank, 7–9. The Council also made constant, and partially successful, attempts after the 1560s to improve the quality and organization of the militia by methods not requiring legislation. Boynton, 53–76; 90–126. See also p. 164.

^{page 61 note *} Interlinear addition: and expressinge in his actions the happie conceit and judgement which the noble Lord Willoby so woorthy an esteemer therof had of him.

^{page 61 note 1} Page damaged.

^{page 61 note 2} Idem.

^{page 61 note 3} These words are written one above the other in the MS, as though the author was uncertain which he preferred.

^{page 61 note 4} Page damaged.

^{page 61 note 5} These words are written one above the other in the MS, as though the author was uncertain which he preferred.

^{page 61 note 6} Page damaged.

^{page 61 note 7} Idem.

^{page 61 note 8} Idem.

^{page 61 note 9} Count Maurice of Nassau. The person alluded to is probably Maurice's cousin, William Lewis, a military reformer and student of Greek and Roman tactics.

^{page 61 note 10} Sir Francis Vere (1560–1609), the 2nd son of Geoffrey Vere of Creppinghall in Essex, and nephew of John, 16th Earl of Oxford. He was the principal commander of the English forces in the Low Countries after the Earle of Leicester's departure.

page 62 note * Interlinear addition: what I esteem that we have of advantage touchinge each of theis particulers that we shal speake of and what on th'other side our Enimise may have of [edge] of us.

page 62 note † Interlinear addition: how we may in a [ ]² our owen.

^{page 62 note 1} This note stands fully in the margin in the MS, and is in George Wyatt's hand.

^{page 62 note 2} Word illegible.

page 63 note * Marginal note: And then also likewise followinge the way that reason leads and example treades before After this us we shal with more assured steps proceede unto that the spetial purpose of this treatie of havinge my Fathers travels cum to that use of his Princes and Countrise honour and servise which in his life and death he shewed to much to desiere.

^{page 63 note 1} Silent.

^{page 63 note 2} Page damaged.

^{page 63 note 3} Idem.

^{page 63 note 4} This first sentence is written and crossed out twice above the surviving version.

^{page 64 note 1} Page damaged.

^{page 64 note 2} Idem.

^{page 65 note 1} This advocacy of a citizen army follows very much the same lines as those laid down by Macchiavelli in The Arte of Warre, and of course, the pattern of the existing English militia. For George's familiarity with Macchiavelli see also p. 101.

^{page 67 note 1} An unusual form of volley—here used to mean those who shoot. The form value, in the more orthodox sense of shot, is used by Digges; Stratioticos, 105.Google Scholar

^{page 67 note 2} Page damaged.

^{page 67 note 3} Vile.

^{page 68 note 1} Reins.

^{page 68 note 2} Heraldic customs, in the sense of a formal declaration of war, truce, etc. See also p. 113.

^{page 68 note 3} Page damaged.

^{page 69 note 1} This is probably a reference to the organization of the English army in the Netherlands, of which George seems to have approved. Unlike Sir Thomas Smythe, he was quite prepared to accept the advantages of technological development, and did not (as this passage shows) use his admiration of antiquity simply to denigrate his contemporaries.

^{page 70 note *} Marginal addition: havvinge so in the principal first place a principal studie of imbracinge everie good occation of any just Honorable and reasonable conclution by peace, as they in the second place they were not fond to neclect any fortherance to the strength of their wars that shuldbe thrust upon by necessitie necessarily. And that with great consideration they did knowinge that the best wars drawinge greater calamitise then benefits and the most asshured beinge [ ] to [ ] in and off even smale accidents, and when they were necessarie.

^{page 70 note 1} Page slightly damaged at the edge.

^{page 70 note 2} Idem.

^{page 70 note 3} Idem.

^{page 70 note 4} Two words illegible.

^{page 71 note *} Marginal addition: And indeede the word Election intendeth the takinge out of the best not of the woorst out of things.

^{page 71 note 1} Page damaged.

^{page 71 note 2} This division is probably taken from Sleidanus. See p. 54.

^{page 71 note 3} Page damaged.

^{page 72 note 1} Page damaged.

^{page 72 note 2} These headings are in Richard Wyatt's hand and stand fully in the margin in the MS.

^{page 73 note 1} Page damaged.

^{page 73 note 2} Idem.

^{page 73 note 3} The meaning of this is not at all clear. Possibly the author intends to imply that all nobles were considered equally worthy of military command.

^{page 74 note *} Interlinear note: The maner might be this Captaine [of horse] havinge chosin [ ] principal men to look to the head of so many files and… 540… feete [ ] and after given in charge to them he chose [ ] who were to make the bodie of the file each of those fower chosen [ ]

page 74 note † Interlinear note: by reason the number were ever intiere and kept whole with supplise.

^{page 74 note 1} Pairs, i.e. brotherhoods in arms.

^{page 74 note 2} Page damaged.

^{page 74 note 3} Idem.

^{page 74 note 4} Idem.

^{page 74 note 5} Idem.

^{page 74 note 6} Idem.

^{page 74 note 7} Probably a reference to the order of the Garter, the oldest of the secular orders.

^{page 74 note 8} Page damaged.

^{page 74 note 9} Idem.

^{page 74 note 10} Three words illegible.

^{page 74 note 11} Page damaged.

^{page 74 note 12} The whole last line is rubbed and illegible.

^{page 75 note 1} Raze.

^{page 75 note 2} This word runs off the edge of the page.

^{page 75 note 3} Embase—to lower in rank, or degrade. OED.

^{page 75 note 4} These were the ‘Companions’; originally a sort of ‘Household Cavalry’, the term was later extended to the ‘Foot Companions’ who formed the original phalanx. See Adcock, F. E., The Greek and Macedonian Art of War (University of California, 1957), 26.Google Scholar

^{page 76 note 1} Page damaged.

^{page 77 note 1} Prolonged, or extended.

^{page 77 note 2} Polybius, VI, 19.

^{page 77 note 1} This was the traditional Roman theory of the origin of the Legion. For a discussion of its authenticity see Cambridge Ancient History, VII, 432.Google Scholar

^{page 77 note 2} This, and the subsequent information seems to be derived, slightly garbled, from Livy, Dec. 1, Bk. 1. According to Livy, the first class provided 2 centuries of artificers as well as the horse and foot; the second, third and fourth classes each provided 20 centuries of foot; and the fifth class 30 centuries of foot and 3 of musicians. Wyatt's language makes it difficult to assess how well he has understood his sources. This method of levying was based upon an army of fixed size, so that the numbers were fixed rather than proportional. The superficial impression which he gives of regarding the whole process as a sort of feudal levy is probably not a true reflection of his opinion. He seems to have grasped the point that the levies were made up of the Taxpayers themselves, and not of their hirelings.

^{page 78 note 3} The As, or Asis, was originally a pound of bronze, but degenerated in size and weight into a bronze coin worth of a denarius. CAH, VII, 434. Wyatt seems to have added O's to all the assessment figures except the last.

^{page 78 note 4} It was a principal point of Macchiavelli's argument that war should not be permitted as a profession. Art of Warre, Bk. 1, ch. 3.

^{page 79 note *} Interlinear note: and espetialy this in their Horsemen or of millites equestri ordin[i], for which cause they were chosen or aproved by the Consul or [ ].

^{page 79 note 1} Polybius, VI, 19. This is, of course, assuming an army of four legions. As Wyatt correctly notes (p. 91) it was normal to employ two ‘Consolarion Armies’ of two legions each.

^{page 79 note 2} Inexperienced soldiers.

^{page 79 note 3} This word runs oif the page.

^{page 79 note 4} Polybius (VI, 19) says 46, but there seems to be some disagreement among the Roman authors themselves.

^{page 80 note 1} M. Porcius Cato Censorius (Cato the elder) c. 234–149 B.C.

^{page 80 note 2} Excelled.

^{page 82 note *} Interlinear note: save that they had a pettie comand of 50 that [ ] were [ ] to this.

^{page 82 note 1} Words illegible.

^{page 83 note *} Marginal note: Amongst other thinges notabley they provided for the certaintie of place where eache of the bandes were to march orderinge at the first accordinge to the degreese of the chiefe place in battels which first unto the last shuld take their place in march, incampinge and imbattelinge, but how that was ether by favour and reputation with the Prince or by proprietie or inference of Subjection or esteeme of fealtie to their Goverment is not easie to know.

^{page 83 note 1} A variant form of sele; happiness, prosperity or good fortune. OED.

^{page 83 note 2} Presumably this is a reference to Xenophon, whose works are several times mentioned.

^{page 85 note *} Marginal note: They as the other kept a certaintie in the placinge of thes in marchinge, incampinge and imbattelinge the degres and places growing from the first place in the battels on the light hand and so forth after the right corner or horne after the left then the right winge of the Armed Hors after the left, finaly the light hors and then the foote in the same sort.

^{page 85 note 1} The Phalanx actually varied in size according to circumstances. Vegetius (Sadler's translation, 1572,13v) says that the Phalanx contained about 8000 men. W. W. Tarn notes in Hellenistic Military and Naval Development (Cambridge 1930, 27)Google Scholar that Philip V of Macedon used a Phalanx of about 16,000 at Cynoscephalae, but this does not seem to have been normal.

^{page 85 note 2} λοχος, an ambush; hence a small body of armed men. In historical writers a company; variously numbered at 24 (Cyropaedia VI, iii, 21Google Scholar) and 100 (Anabasis III, iv, 21Google Scholar) by Xenophon. The number 16 seems to be taken from Ælianus (Tacticus, IV, iii).Google Scholar

^{page 85 note 3} ταξις, a drawing up in rank, hence a body of soldiers. The number 128 is probably taken from ταξιςlianus (Tacticus, IX, iiiGoogle Scholar).

^{page 85 note 4} Sic; presumably a mistake for ‘right’.

^{page 86 note 1} Sic; for Contubernium, messing companions—not a formal subdivision.

^{page 86 note 2} This is an error. As Wyatt correctly observes later (p. 90) the Decurion was a cavalry leader.

^{page 86 note 3} If ‘curia’ and ‘maniple’ were indeed interchangeble terms, then the curias were certainly not ‘just 100s’. This presumably refers to an ideal early stage, since the use of the word ‘curia’ in a military sense was an archaism by republican times.

^{page 87 note 1} The triarii, who formed the rear section of the battle formation.

^{page 87 note 2} The hastati, or first section, and principes, the second section. On the distribution of these sections in battle, see pp. 116–17.

^{page 87 note 2} The velites, who did not form maniples of their own.

page 88 note * Marginal note: And spetialy to shew what were their Antesignani and Postsignarii mentioned so much of them beinge the same with this save that that use of them caused thos names and more occations to speake of them, whereof after also more shalbe saide.

^{page 88 note 1} Livy, VIII, 8.

^{page 88 note 2} Polybius, VI. There is probably a confusion here between marching and battle order.

^{page 88 note 3} The whole question of Legionary divisions and manipular tactics is still a subject of controversy, so there is some excuse for Wyatt's confusion. See Adcock, F. E., The Roman Art of War (Harvard, 1940); p. 116.Google Scholar

^{page 89 note *} Interlinear note (partially illegible): I am not ignorant that the learned of our times esteeme that the Tribunes had not any certame and ordinary charge and command of men. For my part for al that I hold it to be verie evident that in the begininge and by the first institution [they] had so longe as their Tribunes to their Legions brought their M, and that they had then only three and peradventure longer even til they chose by their [ ] And [ ] not but after they had the cohorts theise changes although partly other imploiments [ ] them more and execution lighting more properly upon the Centurions they caried out their conference by it, yet the increase of the number of Tribunes with the number of their Legions and cohorts more distinguished. …

^{page 98 note 1} Wyatt is here accepting an incorrect theory. In fact the Tribunes did not command cohorts, the commanders of the cohorts being the senior centurions. Originally they had rotated the command of the Legion; later they became staff officers, but were never specifically connected to the cohorts, Wyatt's gloss makes it clear that he was aware of this interpretation of the Tribune's function, but rejected it.

^{page 89 note 2} The last line is rubbed and illegible. Wyatt's misunderstanding is based on the assumption that the number of tribunes and cohorts corresponded. In fact there were never more than six tribunes.

^{page 90 note 1} Strictly speaking Legates were generals outside the normal magisterial command structure, but the term was often used loosely to mean simply a commander. Adcock, 103. Here it means the Commander of a legion, a usage strictly proper only in the Imperial period.

^{page 90 note 2} Legates were normally appointed to attended Pro-consuls, or provincial governors. The term Consular Legate could also be applied to an Imperial Legate who was himself of consular standing.

^{page 90 note 3} This academic ratio seldom seems to have been observed in practice.

^{page 91 note *} Interlinear note: for the simillitude that like wings it garded their flanekes.

^{page 91 note 1} These words are written one above the other.

^{page 91 note 2} It seems that Wyatt is here arbitrarily insisting on the 1: 10 ratio. Vegetius allots only four turmae to each legion.

^{page 91 note 3} Sic; perhaps simply for allies; perhaps a noun made from the verb aleive, meaning to help or relieve, and thus meaning auxiliaries.

^{page 91 note 4} Although they were sometimes known as Praetors, these provincial commanders were properly the Pro-consuls.

^{page 92 note 1} Sic; presumably for Commander.

^{page 92 note 2} A musical direction indicating a diminishing tone and rate. OED.

^{page 93 note 1} Dragon standards were a late Imperial innovation, of the fourth century A.D.

^{page 93 note 2} Half a line blank.

^{page 93 note 3} Decener; properly one in command of ten soldiers; sometimes used loosely (as here) to mean an officer. The correct title for the commander of a turma was Decurion.

^{page 93 note 4} Heraldic colours; gold and blue.

^{page 94 note 1} St Elmo's fire, a discharge of atmospheric electricity. So called by corruption from St Erasmus, the patron Saint of Mediterranean Sailors, who regarded the fire as a sign of protection.

^{page 94 note 2} Tholen; referred to by English writers in this form, or the similar ‘Tertoll’. Cal. For., XXIII, 196.Google Scholar

^{page 94 note 3} Bergen-op-Zoom. The siege was raised on 2 November 1588. Cal. For., XXII, 299.Google Scholar

^{page 95 note *} Marginal note: Their heavie Armed were fewe and in regard of times after but light and slight enough [ ] to hold [ ] with their slinges trops of Hors a morion on their hed a half brest of bras upon joined like ribes for the brest and a Target or buckler shild and half picke the rest was lether, offencives were their javeline sword and dagger.

^{page 95 note *} Two lines of similar import are deleted, and this written over: Other of the common sort had not their Hors armed otherwise than with a large skirted saddel plated in manner of scales.

^{page 96 note 1} Thin overlapping plates; an armourers term. OED.

^{page 96 note 2} Morion, a visorless helmet.

page 97 note * Marginal note: Only they had certaine men of Armes with them caled Clibanari who were the first invention ofthat equisit and industrious arminge of men and Hors with plates or hoves or horns and bones of Beast parde and mad thin and closed one upon an other like fethers or scales so jointed and fitted as they covered everie part to the verie hoves of the hors and man without lett to the use of their members so as they seemed from bodise of hors and man compact joininge and understandinge and strength togather.

^{page 97 note 1} These words are written one above the other.

^{page 97 note 2} Cyropaedia, VI, i, 27Google Scholar. The mention of the Trojans comes straight from Xenophon, and bears no relation to the context of this treatise.

^{page 97 note 3} Clibanarius; a mail clad soldier. A term used by Vegetius (Lib. III, Cap. 6).

^{page 98 note 1} Anabasis.

^{page 98 note 2} Sic. Possibly for ‘heritance’, or perhaps from the Greek αἱρεσις, in the sense of ‘choice’.

^{page 98 note 3} Presumably bearers of round rather than long shields; I can find no other use of the term, which may have been Wyatt's own invention.

^{page 98 note 4} Pikemen.

^{page 98 note 5} Probably coats made of many folds of canvas or leather, held together with thongs and eyelet-holes. OED.

^{page 100 note 1} Cyropaedia, VII, i, 32–42.Google Scholar

^{page 100 note 2} A king of Sparta. Hellenica, III, iv, 2–29.Google Scholar

^{page 101 note 1} Macchiavelli, Nicolo, The Art of Warre, Bk. 2, ch. 1 (trs. P. Whitehorne, 1560Google Scholar; STC, 17164).

^{page 101 note 2} Cuir bouilli, frequently employed by medieval armourers; leather which had been boiled, and moulded while soft.

^{page 101 note 3} A short, broad cutting sword. OED.

^{page 101 note 4} A demi-lance, or light horseman; also used of the lowest rank of N.C.O. OED.

^{page 102 note 1} Cuishes, or thigh pieces. Polderons were armour for the shoulders, vambraces for the forearms. A corsolet was a complete body armour.

^{page 102 note 2} Peregrine Bertie, Lord Willoughby de Eresby (1555–1601). He commanded forces in the Low Countries from 1585 to 1589, and in France from 1589 to 1590.

^{page 102 note 3} A corrupt form of Lancegay, a kind of light lance.

^{page 103 note 1} This word runs off the page.

^{page 103 note 2} This seems to be a mistake. Gobryas was an Assyrian soldier frequently mentioned in the Cyropaedia as an ally and servant of Cyrus the great.