²⁴ Prestwich, M. C., War, Politics and Finance under Edward I (London, 1972), pp. 84–86Google Scholar. The fear of disinheritance is also expressed in the additional clause of the Worcester version of the Remonstrances (no. 98).

²⁵ For an argument which places the Remonstrances in the context of such theories, see Harriss, , King, Parliament and Public Finance, pp. 61–2.Google Scholar

²⁶ No. 132.

²⁷ Denton, J. H., ‘The Crisis of 1297 from the Evesham Chronicle’, E.H.R., xciii (1978), 576.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁸ Lewis, N. B., ‘The English Forces in Flanders’, Studies in Medieval History presented to F. M. Powicke, ed. Hunt, R. W., Pantin, W. A. and Southern, R. W. (Oxford, 1948), p. 311, n. 1.Google Scholar

²⁹ C.P.R., 1292–1301, pp. 292, 300, 302, 303, 305, 307, 312, 314Google Scholar. A different type of excuse for not going on the campaign was produced by Theobald de Verdun; he was ill, and his eldest son had recently died. Edward, however, ordered him to send his younger son (Parl. Writs, i, 295).Google Scholar

³⁰ No. 106.

³¹ Wilkinson, , Constitutional History, i, 198–9.Google Scholar

³² No. 94.

³³ B.L., Add. MS. 7965, fos. 73–4. See also Powicke, M. R., Military Obligation in Medieval England (Oxford, 1962), pp. 111–12Google Scholar. He concludes that with the summons of twenty librate men, ‘over a hundred cavalry may have been added in this way’. This estimate includes those serving in the retinues of magnates, whereas the sixty-three listed in the wardrobe book were not part of any retinue.

³⁴ The Hagnaby chronicle, B.L., Cotton MS. Vesp. B. xi, fo. 56.

³⁵ Lancashire Lay Subsidies, ed. Vincent, J. A. C. (Lancs, and Cheshire Record Society, xxvii, 1893), pp. 191–5Google Scholar; infra, no. 47.

³⁶ No. 74.

³⁷ A Lincolnshire Assize Roll for 1298, pp. xlii–lii.Google Scholar

³⁸ Nos. 95, 93; Flores Historiarum, ed. Luard, H. R., iii (Rolls Series, 1890), 296.Google Scholar

³⁹ No. 96; Beddoe, , ‘Some Financial and Political Aspects of the Constitutional Crisis of 1297’, pp. 22–3.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ C.P.R., 1292–1301, pp. 297–8.Google Scholar

⁴¹ No. 126.

⁴² Foedera, I, ii, 877Google Scholar; Parl. Writs, i, 58.Google Scholar

⁴³ No. 136.

⁴⁴ E 159/68, m. 82. For a discussion of the maltolt, see Lloyd, T. H., The English Wool Trade in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1977), pp. 76–96.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁵ Nos. 71, 180.

⁴⁶ No. 45; Fryde, , ‘Financial Resources of Edward I in the Netherlands’, 1182.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Nos. 31, 199.

⁴⁸ No. 124. Compare the incident of the restoration of thirty sacks of wool to the earl of Lincoln (no. 65).

⁴⁹ Lloyd, , English Wool Trade, p. 77Google Scholar; infra, nos. 173, 174.

⁵⁰ C.C.R., 1296–1302, p. 111Google Scholar; infra, no. 208.

⁵¹ Lloyd, , English Wool Trade, pp. 87–8Google Scholar; Sayles, G. O., ‘The Seizure of Wool at Easter 1297’, E.H.R., lxvii (1952), 543–7.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵² No. 37.

⁵³ Lloyd, , English Wool Trade, p. 87Google Scholar; E 101/457/3.

⁵⁴ Nos. 63, 64.

⁵⁵ Nos. 56, 79, 201, 207.

⁵⁶ Lloyd, , English Wool Trade, pp. 90–3.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ E 122/156/19. For a late repayment, see C.P.R., 1313–18, p. 252.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Nos. 97, 120, 125.

⁵⁹ Nos. 111, 99, 168.

⁶⁰ C.P.R., 1292–1301, pp. 299–300, 310–11, 321–3, 332, 335Google Scholar; Lloyd, , English Wool Trade, p. 91Google Scholar. For further calculations of the yield of the prises, see de Sturler, J., Les relations politiques et les échanges commerciaux entre le duché de Brabant et l'Angleterre au moyen âge (Paris, 1936), pp. 193–4Google Scholar; Fryde, , ‘Financial Resources of Edward I in the Netherlands’, 1183.Google Scholar

⁶¹ E 159/70, mm. 119–20. For a discussion of the burden of purveyance, see Maddicott, J. R., The English Peasantry and the Demands of the Crown, 1294–1341 (Past and Present Supplement, no. 1, 1975), pp. 15–34.Google Scholar

⁶² Nos. 50, 72.

⁶³ B.L., Add. MS. 7965, fos. 44–50, 89, 93, 96–7. E 101/6/18 contains indentures with specific details of many shipments; see also Rôles Gascons, iii, clv–viGoogle Scholar, notes. The sheriffs' accounts are summarized in E 159/71, mm. 7–8d, 10, 13, 34, 50, 84d seq., and in C 62/74.

⁶⁴ E 13/21, m. 64d.

⁶⁵ Denton, , ‘The Crisis of 1297 from the Evesham Chronicle’, 575–7.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ No. 172.

⁶⁷ Nos. 89, 91. In their letter describing the events of 22 August at the exchequer, the treasurer and barons described Bigod as earl marshal, but only accorded Bohun his territorial title of Hereford (no. 126).

⁶⁸ No. 10.

⁶⁹ No. 90.

⁷⁰ McFarlane, K. B., The Nobility of Later Medieval England (Oxford, 1973), p. 254.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Book of Prests of the King's Wardrobe for 1294–5, ed. Fryde, E. B. (Oxford, 1962), p. xlviii, n. 5.Google Scholar

⁷² Denton, , ‘The Crisis of 1297 from the Evesham Chronicle’, 576.Google Scholar

⁷³ Willard, J. F., Parliamentary Taxation on Personal Property, 1290 to 1334 (Cambridge, Mass., 1934), p. 32Google Scholar; Book of Prests, p. xlviii, n. 5.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ No. 37.

⁷⁵ C.C.R., 1296–1302, p. 107.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Nos. 89, 108. For a further discussion of the significance of the marcher lordships in 1297, see Davies, R. R., Lordship and Society in the March of Wales, 1282–1400 (Oxford, 1978), pp. 267–9.Google Scholar