Published online by Cambridge University Press: 27 August 2008
Suzanne Cusick has recently argued that the musical processes of Monteverdi's Lamento d'Arianna purge Ariadne of passion and desire in order symbolically to make her a good wife. Written for the 1608 marriage of Francesco Gonzaga to Margherita de Savoy, the lament, according to Cusick, reflects Renaissance marriage and gender ideologies that were determined to silence women and put them in their place. Ariadne has dared to choose her own mate and therefore must suffer. Her fate is dramatised by her uncharacteristically long lament, which enacts the transformation women experienced as they gave up their own desires to the constraining institution of marriage. Cusick's argument is in line with recent critical tendencies to read early modern culture in terms of the opposition between passive female silence and active male desire.
1 Earlier versions of this essay were read at the 1996 meeting of the American Musicological Society and the 1997 meeting of the International Musicological Society. I want to thank Elyse Carter, Eric Chafe, Jeff Kallberg, Nathan Macbrien, Roger Parker, Gabriella Safran, Julie Schutzman and Gary Tomlinson for patient and astute readings of many drafts. Also many thanks to die Folger Library's Subjectivity and Sexuality Colloquium for their comments.Google Scholar
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6 Eric Chafe calls attention to the G-minor tonality of Venus's plea in which the goddess of love reminds Pluto of her role in his conquest of Proserpina. This emphasis on G minor also recalls Proserpina's sympathy for Orpheus in Act IV of L'Orfeo. See Chafe, , Monteverdi's Tonal Language (New York: Schirmer Books, 1992), 163.Google Scholar
7 Pamela Jones argues that Cesare Negri, in his early seventeenth-century treatises on dancing the ‘entrata,’ separates social dance from that of the dramatic balli. See ‘Spectacle in Milan: Cesare Negri's Torch Dances,’ Early Music 14 (1986), 182–98. Iain Fenlon has suggested that Il ballo delle ingrate's ballet music, six distinct sections with contrasting rhythms, is based on a model for seventeenth-century large-scale dance spectacles first developed by Cavalieri. See ‘The Origins of the Staged Ballo’ (see n.5), 17.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
8 Gagliano's Dafne, also commissioned for this wedding, was staged a few months earlier in order to entertain the guests during the complicated negotiations leading up to this political marriage. My Ph.D. dissertation, ‘Singing the Female Body: Monteverdi, Subjectivity, Sensuality,’ (University of Pennsylvania, 1998), argues that in keeping with the goals of marriage, the 1608 festivities overflow with exemplary tales designed to circumscribe female behaviour. Like other discourses that managed women, the Mantuan productions inscribed rules governing female bodies and behaviours. They staged unruly women only to transform them into chaste figures, a staging that through identification disciplined the women in the audience.Google Scholar
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15 Boccaccio's gory rendition of Nastagio degli Onesti appears on Botticelli's wedding panels from the mid-1480s depicting the knight chasing a naked lady. They were commissioned in 1483 for the marriage of Lucrezia di Piero Bini and Gianonozzo Pucci, a cousin of the Medici. For a discussion of these panels see WofFord, Susan L., ‘The Social Aesthetics of Rape: Closural Violence in Boccaccio and Botticelli,’ in Creative Imitation: New Essays on Renaissance Literature in Honor of Thomas M. Greene, ed. Ferguson, Margaret W., Pigman, G. W., Rebborn, Wayne A. and Quint, David III (Binghamton: Medieval and Renaissance Text Studies, 1992), 191–229.Google Scholar
16 Positioning Ariadne's plight as a cautionary tale for other similarly tempted women, Giovanni Andrea dell'Anguillara's Italian version of the Metamorphoses includes a telling introduction by Gioseppe Orologgi: ‘Let the story of Arianna be a document to incautious women that they should not wish to believe the promises of those who appear to love them, because they run the risk of throwing themselves into the arms of faithless and ungrateful young men, by whom they are, with greatest infamy, often ruined.’ Cusick suggests that the ladies would have known Ariadne's story through Orologgi. I have quoted Orologgi from Cusick (see n. 2), 24. In addition, Fabbri suggests that Rinuccini probably drew most heavily on the same source, since it includes a long extension of Ariadne's abandonment. Anguilara's 1561 edition, entitled Il Metamorfose di Ovidio, was reprinted sixteen times between 1561 and 1607.Google Scholar
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18 Sixteenth- and seventeenth-century musical productions tend to make musico-rhetorical distinctions between genders and between chaste and lascivious women. For an informative discussion of the kinds of the musico-rhetorical distinctions between genders in Monteverdi's music, see McClary, Susan, ‘Constructions of Gender in Monteverdi's Dramatic Music,’ this journal, 1 (1989), 203–23.Google Scholar For a discussion of the ways that song was deployed by female characters in Venetian opera, see Carter, Tim, ‘In Love's Harmonious Consort? Penelope and the Interpretation of Il ritorno d'Ulisse in patria,’ this journal, 5 (1993), 1–16.Google ScholarSee also Austern, Linda Phyllis, ‘Alluring the Auditorie to Effeminace: Music and the Idea of the Feminine in Early Modern England,’ Music and Letters 14 (1993), 343–54.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
19 Cusick, (see n. 2 ), 30. Cusick argues that Ariadne's passionate self and her disciplined self are represented in the internal conflicts of the lament's opening phrase. For her, the musical processes of that phrase represent the purging of Ariadne's passion.Google Scholar
20 I want to thank Suzanne Cusick for pointing out in her response to the version of this paper delivered at the fall 1996 meeting of the American Musicological Society that all the women in these productions sin against patriarchy.Google Scholar
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22 According to Fabbri, the lines, ‘O Barbara fierezza,/ una io ne vidi (e potrei dirme il nome)’ [O Barbarous pride,/ I saw one (and I could say her name)], allude to Barbara Sanseverino, Countess of Sala. Il ballo delle ingrate was printed in Monteverdi's eighth book of madrigals, published in 1638. The published version refers to the kingdom on the Danube, not Mantua. Monteverdi's notes to the 1638 edition instruct Pluto to ‘stop in mid-course and address the Princesses and ladies present in the fashion described in the text.’ Notations in the score read, ‘They dance the ballet up to the halfway point. Pluto assumes a noble stance and, turning to the Princesses and ladies, says…’ Fabbri, Monteverdi (see n. 9), 99.Google Scholar
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25 In a devious version of this paradigm, Jove turns his illicit love object into a glorious white heifer when his wife approaches the site of their liaison. Unlike the other women, she is ultimately returned to her human form.Google Scholar
26 The position that I take in this section reflects the influence of Lynn Enterline, ‘ “You speak a language that I understand not”: The Rhetoric of Animation in The Winter's Tale,’ Shakespeare Quarterly, 48 (1997), 17–45.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Reading Shakespeare's The Winter's Tale as a rewriting of the Pygmalion myth, she argues that the play follows Ovid and Petrarch in ascribing to the female voice an unsettling power. She also discusses the Ovidian roots of Petrarchan conventions. For a detailed discussion of Petrarch's complicated relationship to Ovid see Mazzotta, Giuseppe, The Worlds of Petrarch (Durham N.C.: Duke University Press, 1993).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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31 Ariadne also undergoes transformation. Her betrothal to Bacchus moves her to the heavens where she lights up the sky and presumably enters a life of excess as the wife of Bacchus. For an interesting discussion of Renaissance understandings of the process of death and its similarities to orgasm, see Sawday, Jonathan, The Body Emblazoned: Dissection and the Human Body in Renaissance Culture (New York: Routledge, 1996).Google Scholar
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45 The ‘Addio per sempre’ setting recalls in its harmonic progression the opening to ‘Si ch'io vorrei morire’, one of Monteverdi's most explicitly erotic madrigals published in the fourth book. Perhaps by giving the ingrate a musical gesture explicitly associated with orgasm in another piece, Monteverdi imbued her with the erotic desire she refused in life. I have written elsewhere about the erotics of that madrigal. See ‘Singing the Female Body’ (see n. 8), Chapter Three.Google Scholar
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