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Citizenship and Obligation: Civil Disobedience and Civil Dissent
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 16 January 2009
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The freedom to criticise government, and even to counsel disobedience or revolt, is widely considered the principal mark of a free society. Where the dissident voice is silenced by laws against sedition, it has been argued, there is no genuine freedom of speech and, accordingly, no real political freedom.2 The force of this suggestion stems from the underlying idea that government, if constitutional and legitimate, should be government by consent: laws against sedition, or which otherwise curtail political debate in order to silence opposition, repudiate that idea by denying the legitimacy of dissent.
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References
1 West Virginia Stale Board of Education v. Barnette 319 U.S. 624, 641.
2 SeeKalven, Harry Jr., The Negro and the First Amendment (Chicago 1965), p. 16: “A free society is one in which you cannot defame the government”Google Scholar.
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33 Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye v. City of Hialeah 124 L.Ed.2d 472, 519 (1993). See also Yoder, Wisconsin v. 406 U.S. 205 (1972); Employment Division, Dept. of Human Resources of Oregon v. Smith 494 U.S. 872 (1990)Google Scholar.
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38 Natural Law and Natural Rights, note 16 above, p. 319.
39 Ibid.
40 Ibid.p. 360.
41 Ibid. pp. 314–320, 354–357.
42 Ibid. p. 357.
43 The invariant force (or black-and-white quality) of legal obligation, properly understood, attacheslegal obligation correctly (reasonably) asserted or acknowledged—according to the citizen's(or judge's) moral judgment (taking account of the need for authority and co-operation with others for the common good).
44 For analysis of the reasons for obedience to law based on the conception of democracy as a fair compromise between competing claims to power, see Peter Singer, Democracy and Disobedience, note 36 above.
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46 Cf. Scanlon, “A Theory of Freedom of Expression”, note 6 above, p. 214. Scanlon argues that autonomous citizens could not concede to the state the right to have its decrees obeyed without deliberation.
47 Obligations, note 36 above, p. 132. (See also pp. 138–142.) Walzer also observes that we can regard the state as being composed of consenting citizens only in so far as the legitimacy of “secondary associations with limited claims to primacy” is recognised:ibid. pp. 18–19. The implications of pluralism for the role of freedom of expression are explored by Raz, Ethics in the Public Domain, note 4 above, ch. 6.
48 Cf. X v. Morgan-Grampian [1991] 1 A.C. 1; Allan, Law, Liberty, and Justice, above, ch. 5.
49 E.g. Hart, H.L.A., The Concept of Law, note 23 above, p. 210Google Scholar.
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53 Op.cit., note 37 above, p. 389.
54 Although Rawls's account of the rule of law is largely formal or procedural, it obtains its significance from the theory of justice. To his description of a legal system as “a coercive order of public rules addressed to rational persons for the purpose of regulating their conduct and providing the framework for social co-operation”, Rawls adds: “When these rules are just they establish a basis for legitimate expectations” (op.cit., note 37 above, p. 235).
55 Ibid. p. 366.
56 Ibid. p. 363.
57 A conflict between legal and (other) moral obligations arises only where, for some special reason of personal morality (e.g. loyalty or friendship), a person declines, in any particular case, to obey an acknowledged legal duty (i.e. one whose justification on grounds of political morality he accepts): see the discussion of legal obligation above.
58 Ibid. p. 351, emphasis added. In so far as Rawls treats gravely unjust requirements as valid laws, despite their violation of the principles of justice for which his theory provides, his account seems confused.
59 Ibid. p. 365.
60 Ibid. p. 390. CfDworkin, , Taking Rights Seriously, note 14 above, pp. 210–217Google Scholar.
61 A Theory of Justice, note 37 above, pp. 387–388Google Scholar. See also Rawls, , Political Liberalism (New York 1993) Lecture 4Google Scholar.
62 As Michael Walzer describes the position of non-conformists who owe allegiances to groups or sects: “none of them admits without qualification the political sovereignty or moral supremacy of the larger society of which they are members”. (Obligations, note 36 above, p. 15.) Walzer argues for recognition of an obligation to disobey the state in defence of engagements and ideals to which one may be committed, where disobedience does not threaten the existence of the larger society or endanger the lives of its citizens.
63 Cf. Scanlon, “A Theory of Freedom of Expression”, note 6 above.
64 The distinction between law and “managerial control” is emphasised by Fuller, in opposition to the conception of law as a “one-way projection of authority” from ruler to citizen: The Morality of Law, note 16 above, ch. 5.
65 For discussion of such theories, see Hart, , The Concept of Law, above, chs. 2 & 3Google Scholar.
66 Barnette is considered above.
67 [1985] 2 All E.R. 151, 155–159.
68 [1985] A.C. 1054, 1080.
69 Leader, Cf. Sheldon L., “Free Speech and the Advocacy of Illegal Action in Law and Political Theory” (1982) 82 Col.L. Rev. 412Google Scholar.
70 See discussion of civil disobedience above.
71 249 U.S. 47 (1919).
72 Ibid. 52.
73 CfRawls, , Political Liberalism, note 61 above, pp. 348–356Google Scholar. See also Debs v. U.S. 249 U.S. 211 (1919), upholding the conviction of a socialist candidate for the presidency, under the Espionage Act 1917, for a public speech denouncing the war with Germany, on the ground that the natural and intended effect of the speech was to obstruct recruiting.
74 274 U.S. 357, 376 (1927). Cf. Gitlow v. New York 268 U.S. 652, 673 (1925) (Holmes J., dissenting).
75 274 U.S. 375–376.
76 Frohverk v. U.S. 249 U. S. 204, 208 (1919)Google Scholar.
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79 Ibid. p. 346; Kalven, Harry Jr., A Worthy Tradition: Freedom of Speech in America (New York 1987)Google Scholar.
80 See Brandenburg v. Ohio 395 U.S. 444, 447 (1969)Google Scholar.
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83 It follows that the distinction drawn in the American cases, between the “abstract teaching … of the moral propriety or even moral necessity for a resort to force and violence”, on one hand, and the preparation of “a group for violent action and steeling it to such action”, on the other, may be defended as a coherent constraint on freedom of speech: see Noto v. U.S. 367 U.S. 290, 297–298 (1961)Google Scholar. Cf. Whitney v. California 274 U.S. 357, 376 (1927)Google Scholar (Brandeis J.). Advocacy which is “directed to inciting or producing imminent lawless action”, and likely to incite or produce it, where the action entails coercion and violence, can legitimately be proscribed: Brandenburg v. Ohio 395 U.S. 444, 447 (1969)Google Scholar.
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88 Cf. Texas v. Johnson 491 U.S. 397 (1989)Google Scholar.
89 Stromberg v. California 283 U.S. 359 (1931)Google Scholar.
90 U.S. v. O'Brien 391 U.S. 367 (1968)Google Scholar; note Harlan, J.'s qualified concurrence at 388–389.Google Scholar
91 Cf. David Richards, Toleration and the Constitution, note 7 above, ch. 4.
92 The citizen will generally distinguish between cases in which he accords the state no moral authority (e.g. as regards the requirements of religious worship) and those where its authority has been abused (by unjust decisions within its proper scope), although he may conclude in either case that there is accordingly no obligation to obey. I am grateful to Julian Rivers for this clarification.
93 Holmes J.'s judgment in Frohwerk affords an illustration (see above).
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