^{page 62 note 2} I should like to thank Professor A. H. M. Jones for his help and advice; he let me read the typescript of his forthcoming book on the Later Roman Empire, and this article owes a lot to his analysis. I should also like to thank Dr M. I. Finley, Professor N. Elias and the members of the staff seminar of the Department of Sociology of the University of Leicester for valuable criticisms.

^{page 63 note 1} E.g. Libanius, , Or. 18, 152Google Scholar; Ammianus, 22, 3, 12 (Constantius II). Malalas, 340 (C.S.H.B.) (Valentinian I). Olympiodorus, frg. 13 (Honorius). Prisais, frg. 7; Malalas, 361; Cedrenus, 1, 587 (Theodosius II). Cedrenus, 1, 626 (at Zeno's death).

^{page 63 note 2} Sozomen, , H.E. 3, 1Google Scholar. Zosimus, 4, 22, 4 (Valentinian II and Gratian). Idem, 4, 23,5 (Valens). Idem, 4, 28 (Theodosius I). Suidas, s.v. θλαδίας (Valentinian III). J. Ant. frg. 191, 194 (Theodosius II).

^{page 63 note 3} Castration was forbidden on Roman soil (C.J. 4, 42, 1–2) and the penalties were severe; Justinian made the penalty fit the crime (N.J. 142). Most eunuchs seem to have come from outside the borders (Claudian, , In Eutropium, 1, 47 and 58–9Google Scholar; Cedrenus, 1, 601; Theophanes, 1, 154), especially from the Abasgi (Procopius, , B.G. 8, 3, 15–17, 19)Google Scholar, at least in the sixth century. But in times of famine some parents are said to have castrated their children and sold them (Cedrenus, 1, 590); moreover general laws like this were not often rigorously enforced, so that some eunuchs may have been Romans. We know of one free volunteer, Mamas, who had been castrated for medical reasons (Cyril of Scythopolis, Life of Theodosius, ed. Schwarz, E. (Leipzig, 1930), p. 240)Google Scholar. He became grand chamberlain. It is not inconceivable that some of those born eunuchoid also entered the service (Ambrose, , de viduis, 75)Google Scholar; Eutropius entered after manumission from private service (Claudian, , op. cit. 1, 132, 142f.)Google Scholar; others were given as presents, presumably as slaves (C.J. 12, 5, 4; ? 473), but were to be freed on entering the palace (ibid.).

^{page 63 note 4} Cf. Stern, S., The Court Jew, A Contribution to the History of the Period of Absolutism in Central Europe (Philadelphia, 1950), pp. 4, 9–13, 32–49, 245–8Google Scholar. Schnee, H., Die Hoffinanz und die moderne Staat, Geschichte u. System der Hoffaktoren an deutschen Fürstenhofen im Zeitalter des Absolutismus, 3 vols. (Berlin, 1953–1955), vol. 3, pp. 172 f., esp. pp. 189–91, 195–6, 225–8, 242.Google ScholarCarsten, F. L., ‘The Court Jew’, Leo Baeck Yearbook (1958), pp. 140–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In many interesting ways the Court Jews parallel court eunuchs. They were subject to the same obloquy and given die same characteristics by contemporaries. This encourages the conclusion that these characteristics (ambition, emotional instability, arrogance, avarice and oiliness, etc.) were the product of their common social situation rather than the direct consequence of castration. Court Jews were dependent upon the favour of the prince, but their rise to power was independent of the characteristics of any particular prince, and often took place in the context of a struggle between the ruler and the estates. The rulers had need of servants free from attachments to the religious and corporative associations; the Court Jews soaked up much of die unpopularity of measures initiated by the ruler, but gained immense wealth at the cost of social isolation and the risk of sudden denunciation. Like court eunuchs they had free access to the ruler.

^{page 64 note 1} Julian did not really know whether it was Eusebius alone who prevented his having an audience with Constantius II or whether the emperor himself also did not want to see him. Julian, , To the Athenians, 274Google Scholar A–B.

^{page 64 note 2} Ammianus, 18, 4, 3 and Thompson, E.A., The Historical Works of Ammianus Marcellinus (Cambridge, 1947), pp. 42–5.Google Scholar

^{page 64 note 3} C.I.L. VI, 31946.

^{page 64 note 4} C.Th. 7, 8, 3 (384); but cf. C.Th. 11, 16, 15 (382) which Ensslin (R.E. Suppl. 8, 558) interprets wrongly; see rather Dunlap, J. E., The Office of the Grand Chamberlain in the Later Roman and Byzantine Empires (University of Michigan, Humanistic series, 14; New York, 1924), p. 184.Google Scholar

^{page 65 note 1} Ed. Seeck, O., Or. 1, indexGoogle Scholar; cf. Oc. 1, index.

^{page 65 note 2} C.Th. 11, 18, 1 (412).

^{page 65 note 3} C.Th. 6, 8, 1 (422).

^{page 65 note 4} C.J. 3, 24, 3 (485/6) and 12, 5, 5 (Anastasius).

^{page 65 note 5} Cf. e.g. Socrates, , H.E. 2, 2Google Scholar; Sozomen, , H.E. 3, 1Google Scholar; Ammianus, 21, 15, 4 for die long tenure of Eusebius; and Theophanes, 1, 125, 127, 148 for Antiochus.

^{page 65 note 6} It could be inferred from C.J. 12, 5, 2 (428) that promotion to comes domorum, castrensis and primicerius went by seniority. This is partially confirmed by John of Ephesus (Lives of the Eastern Saints, trans, from the Syriac by Brooks, E. W., P.O. 19, 202)Google Scholar who says that Theodore retired before his time, as castrensis; and that castrenses normally retired after two years. But he also says that praepositi did the same, which is improbable. Does the Syriac really mean primicerii? On the analogy of the other primicerii (e.g. of the palatines) who served for two years only (C.Th. 6, 30, 14 (396)), it is likely that the primicerii of the cubiculum, and therefore to replace them the castrenses and the comites domorum also, served two years. Contra Dunlap, , op. cit. pp. 204–5, 209–10Google Scholar, on the ground of the primicerius' importance. But the primicerii of the palatines and of the notaries were also important.

^{page 65 note 7} Or. 17; Oc. 14–15; C.Th. 6, 32, 1 (416).

^{page 65 note 8} The chief positions held by eunuchs in the palace and die earliest known date of their tenure were: (i) Chamberlain, Grand (praepositus sacri cubiculi) 326Google Scholar. Codinus, , de orig. C'politanis, 18Google Scholar. (ii) Superintendent of the Bedchamber (primicerius sacri cubiculi) perhaps 312, more certainly by 326. lb. and 21. (iii) Chief Steward of the Palace (castrensis sacri palatii) 343. Athanasius, , Hist. Ar. 15Google Scholar; Apol. contra Ar. 36. (iv) Count of the Imperial Estates in Cappadocia (comes domorum per Cappadociam) between 379 and 414. C.Th. 6, 30, 2 (379); 11, 28, 9 subscript (414); Not. Dign. Or. 10; unlap, op. cit. p. 187. (v) Count of the Imperial Wardrobe (comes sacrae vestis) 412Google Scholar. C.Th. 11, 18, 1. (vi) Captain of the Bodyguard (spatharius) 447.Google ScholarTheodoret, , Ep. 110.Google Scholar (vii) Keeper of die Purse (sacellarius) 474–91. J. Ant. frg. 214, 4.

^{page 65 note 9} Already by the reign of Constantine, Fausta was attended by eunuchs (Philostorgius, , H.E. 2, 4Google Scholar) and Codinus (de orig. C'politanis, 18 and 21) mentions two grand chamberlains in Constantine's court, though Ensslin doubts that any firm conclusion about their rank may be drawn from so late a source (R.E. Suppl. 8, 557). Certainly in 400 Amantius was castrensis to the empress Eudoxia (Diaconus, Marcus, Life of Porphyry, pp. 36–7, 40Google Scholar); and by the reign of Theodosius II, and again at the coronation of Leo I and in the reign of Anastasius, there is evidence of separate cubiculo (Theophanes, 1, 152; Constantine Porphyrogenitus, de caer. 1, 91 (416 C.S.H.B.); C.J. 12, 5, 5). In 536 the empress had her own sacellarius (John, of Ephesus, , P.O. 18, 630, n. 1)Google Scholar. In fact the two Caesars Gallus and Julian both had their own grand chamberlains in the middle of the fourth century (Ammianus, 15, 2, 10; 16, 7, 2).

^{page 66 note 1} On occasions the emperor seems to have been surrounded by eunuchs alone (Cedrenus, 1, 622); certainly even the grand chamberlain was within calling distance (Theophanes, 1, 253).

^{page 66 note 2} The grand chamberlain could enter the presence freely (Constantine Porphyrogenitus, de caer. 1, 97 442 (C.S.H.B.)); the other chamberlains could gossip with the emperor while performing their tasks (Ammianus, 14, 11, 3; 18, 4, 2; Suidas, s.v. θλαδίας; Zosimus, 5, 1, 4).

^{page 66 note 3} Constantine Porphyrogenitus, de caer, 1, 87 (394 C.S.H.B.).

^{page 66 note 4} Ambrose, , Ep. 24.Google Scholar

^{page 66 note 5} Julian, , To the Athenians, 274 A–B.Google Scholar

^{page 66 note 6} Diaconus, Marcus, Life of Porphyry, pp. 36 f.Google Scholar

^{page 66 note 7} Libanius, , Or. 18, 149Google Scholar; Ammianus, 18, 4, 2; 20, 2, 3; Zosimus (4, 40, 8) tells how a governor, Gerontius, was accused by Theodosius of corruption and only just managed to escape by putting his whole fortune at the disposal of the eunuchs. Cf. also Sozomen, , H.E. 4, 12, 16Google Scholar; Diaconus, Marcus, op. cit. 26–7.Google Scholar

^{page 66 note 8} Socrates, , H.E. 2, 2Google Scholar; Theophanes, 1, 51, 53.

^{page 67 note 1} Ac. Occ. 1, 4, 224, 293.

^{page 67 note 2} Melaniae, Vita (Analecta Bollandiana, viii, 1889, 29Google Scholar), 1, 11.

^{page 67 note 3} Evagrius, , H.E. 2, 2Google Scholar; Theophanes, 1, 150–1.

^{page 67 note 4} N.J. 8, notitia: a proconsul of Asia had to pay 63 solidi to the accountants of the cubiculum, an ordinary governor 9 solidi.

^{page 67 note 5} C.Th. 10, 10, 34; eunuchs had various other privileges. C.J. 12, 5, 2 (428); C.Th. 7, 8, 16 (435).

^{page 67 note 6} Ammianus, 18, 4, 3.

^{page 67 note 7} John, of Ephesus, , Lives, P.O. 19, 202Google Scholar; Zosimus, 4, 5, 3–4.

^{page 67 note 8} Liber Pontificalis, 63 (ed. Duchesne, L. (Paris, 1886), 1, 306)Google Scholar; Gregory of Tours, Hist. Franc. 5, 13 (19).Google Scholar

^{page 67 note 9} C.J. 1, 2, 24, 11 (530).

^{page 67 note 10} John, of Ephesus, , Lives, P.O. 19, 200–205.Google Scholar

^{page 67 note 11} The same Theodore was given a pension of 1000 solidi p.a. when he had dispersed his capital in charity (ibid. 205). This was more than the pay of a dux (C.J. 1, 27, 2, 20–1).

^{page 68 note 1} There are many examples; e.g. Vitae vivorum apud monophysitas celeberrimorum, ed. Brooks, E. W. in C.S.C.O., ser. syr., ser. 3, vol. 25, 9Google Scholar; Cedrenus, 1, 581; Jordanes, , Getica, 42, 224Google Scholar; Ammianus, 20, 8, 4. These tell of rather less famous eunuchs than those in the text.

^{page 68 note 2} Ammianus, 14, 10, 5.

^{page 68 note 3} Athanasius, , Hist. Ar. 35–8.Google Scholar

^{page 68 note 4} Sozomen, , H.E. 7, 22Google Scholar; Claudian, , In Eutropium, 1, 312–13.Google Scholar

^{page 68 note 5} Priscus, frg. 7–8, 12–13.

^{page 68 note 6} Cf. Marcellinus, , comes, chronicon (M.G.H., A.A. XI), 83, a.449Google Scholar; 101, a. 519. Constantine Porphyrogenitus, op. cit. 1, 92 (421–2), and 1, 93 (428 C.S.H.B.); two attempts at king-making.

^{page 68 note 7} E.g. Ammianus (21, 16, 8) speaks of Constantius' fear of conspiracy and his tireless investigation of the slightest suspicion.

^{page 68 note 8} Julian executed Eusebius and his followers for their part in the execution of Gallus, and dismissed both eunuchs and other palace attendants from service. The pretext for the dismissal of the eunuchs was that, being celibate, he had no need of eunuchs. More likely the real motive was to show that he was not subject to the same influences as Constantius. Socrates (H.E. 3, 1) says that Julian found everyone indignant at the eunuchs’ power, and Theophanes (1, 71–2) records that he wanted to show Constantius up as unjust. We do not have any information about the reasons for Maximus' failure to live up to his initial declaration, that he would have no eunuchs at court. Cf. Zosimus, 4, 37, 2 and Ambrose, , Ep. 24, 2.Google Scholar

^{page 68 note 9} Socrates, , H.E. 3, 1Google Scholar. He was stripping the monarchy of its necessary pomp.

^{page 69 note 1} Ammianus, 21, 16, 1–2.

^{page 69 note 2} Theophanes, 1, 197; Marcellinus, op. cit. 90, a.471 J. Ant., frg. 201, 2; 201, 4; Zosimus, 4, 23, 5.

^{page 69 note 3} Ammianus, 18, 5, 4; Gibbon, , Decline and Fall, ed. Bury, , vol. 2, p. 245Google Scholar; Hug, R.E. Suppl. 3, 454; Dunlap, op. cit. p. 180; Herter, R.A.C. s.v. Effeminatus. But for more sensible views cf. 5. Runciman, , Byzantine Civilisation (London, 1933), pp. 203–4Google Scholar, and best of all Wittfogel, K. A., Oriental Despotism (Yale, 1957), pp. 354–8.Google Scholar

^{page 69 note 4} Cf. the fates of Rhodanus: Malalas, 340; Eutropius: Philostorgius, , H.E. 11, 6Google Scholar; Antiochus: Cedrenus, 1, 600.

^{page 69 note 5} Malalas, 340; Zosimus, 4, 28; Cedrenus, 1, 587.

^{page 70 note 1} Cf. Elias, N., Über den Prozess der Zivilisation (Basel, 1939), vol. 2, p. 2.Google Scholar

^{page 71 note 1} Cf. e.g. ‘The emperor is one, image of the one all-ruling God’, Eusebius, , de laude Const. 7Google Scholar (G.C.S. 7, 215), and Setton, K. M., Christian Attitudes towards the Emperor in the Fourth Century (New York, 1941)Google Scholar, for the interrelation of the Christian idea of die emperor and of God.

^{page 73 note 1} Ch'ien, T-S., The Government and Politics of China (Harvard, 1950), p. 31.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 73 note 2} Cf. Alföldi, A., ‘Die Ausgestaltung des monarchischen Zeremoniells’, Mitt. des deutschen arch. Instituts, xlix (1934), 1–117.Google Scholar He argues forcibly for the gradual development of elaborate ritual and exposes the general attribution of its introduction by Diocletian as little more than a literary topos. But then how does one explain the fact that the literary topos centres so frequently around Diocletian? The two views are not irreconcilable: a general development of ritual with additions by Diocletian.

^{page 73 note 3} Ambrose, de obitu Valetiniani, 36. Cf. the story of a doctor who sat down to treat a bed ridden emperor without permission. Marcellinus, , comes, chronicon (M.G.H.A.A. xi), 88, a.462.Google Scholar

^{page 73 note 4} Constantine Porphyrogenitus, , de caer, 1, 84 and 86 (C.S.H.B. 387, 392).Google Scholar

^{page 73 note 5} Cf. N.J. 62, 1, 2. Constantine Porphyrogenitus, op. cit. 1, 86 (C.S.H.B. 393).

^{page 73 note 6} Ambrose, Ep. 24.

^{page 73 note 7} Synesius, , de regno, P.G. 66, 1076cGoogle Scholar, 1080, 1100.

^{page 74 note 1} Ammianus, 14, 1, 9.

^{page 74 note 2} Dunlap, op. cit. p. 180.

^{page 74 note 3} Especially if the Scriptores Historiae Augustae represent fourth-century opinion and if they allowed their opinions to enter their historical judgements the following passage might be of interest: ‘under Elagabalus, when everything was sold by the eunuchs—a class of men who desire that all the palace-affairs should be kept secret, solely in order that they alone may seem to have knowledge of them and thus possess the means of obtaining influence or money’ (Loeb translation). S.H.A., , Severus Ahxander, 45, 4–5.Google Scholar

^{page 74 note 4} In comparative evidence the power of eunuchs is put in the same context, namely the emperor's desire to liquidate rival political cliques. Cf. Levy, H. S., Harem Favourites of an Illustrious Celestial (Taiwan, 1958), pp. 17–18.Google ScholarTschepe, P. A., S.J. Histoire du royaume de Ts'in (777–207 B.C.) (Shanghai, 1909), p. 360Google Scholar; and Zosimus, 2, 55.

^{page 74 note 5} ‘Since his castration deprived him of hopes of the purple, he persuaded the emperor to make him patrician and consul.’ So Philostorgius (H.E. 11, 4) of Eutropius.

^{page 75 note 1} Wittfogel (op. cit. p. 356) sees the rise of eunuchs in the T'ang and Ming dynasties as coinciding significandy with the attacks upon the hereditary power of nobles through the establishment of the examination system and the restriction of yin prerogatives.

^{page 75 note 2} C.I.L. VI, 1710; I.L.S. 2949.

^{page 75 note 3} This is all the truer if they were barbarians. Cf. Claudian, , In Eutropium, 1, 187.Google Scholar

^{page 75 note 4} Eunuchs seem to have a desire for wives and children. Their acquisition by purchase of both in China was a sign of their power, at once an attempt at evading the appearance of being a eunuch and at transmitting wealth. Acolius, praepositus under Valentinian III, had an adopted son (Constantius, , Vita Germani, 39 (M.G.H., S.R.M. 7, 279)).Google Scholar

^{page 75 note 5} Eunuchs by a decree of Constantius were allowed to make wills (C.J. 6, 22, 5 (352)), but even so they could hardly be compared to the institution of the Church. Cf. Procopius, , Anecdota, 29, 13.Google Scholar

^{page 76 note 1} Schnee, op. cit. vol. 3, pp. 190–1, 195–6, 204.

^{page 76 note 2} E.g. the brilliant homily on vanity of vanities, preached by John Chrysostom over the quaking body of Eutropius who had sought asylum in his church (P.G. 52, 2, 391f.), and die eventual official denunciation of Eutropius: ‘We command that all his statues, all his images, in bronze and marble…shall be removed from all cities, towns and public and private places, so that the blemish, as it were, of our age may not pollute the sight of viewers.’ C.Th. 9,40, 17 (399).

^{page 76 note 3} quos quasi a consortio humani generis extorres ab utroque sexu aut naturae origo aut cladis corporis separavit. Mamertinus, Claudius, Paneg. 11, 19, 4.Google Scholar The trauma of castration itself might also have strengthened their ties. Justinian cited one example in which 87 out of 90 died from the operation (N.J. 142). But if this was the normal rate we should expect to find it reflected in the price. The rates given in a law (C.J. 7, 7, 1 (530)) do not do this, but these are not necessarily market prices. For one such cf. P. Ox. 1, 95.

^{page 76 note 4} Constantine Porphyrogenitus, op. cit. 1, 97 (442 C.S.H.B.).

^{page 76 note 5} Ammianus, 14, 11, 3–5.

^{page 76 note 6} Ibid. 15, 2, 10; cf. Suidas, s.v. θλαδίας, and Ammianus, 18, 5, 4.

^{page 77 note 1} Cicero, , In Verrem, 2, 3, 4, 8.Google Scholar

^{page 77 note 2} Dunlap, op. cit. pp. 166–9.

^{page 77 note 3} Wittfogel, op. cit. pp. 354–5 for references.

^{page 77 note 4} Herodotus, 3, 48; 8, 104f.

^{page 77 note 5} Hug, op. cit. col. 451.

^{page 77 note 6} Posides; Suetonius, , Claudius, 28.Google Scholar

^{page 77 note 7} S.H.A., , Aurelian, 49, 8.Google Scholar Cf. Alex. Sev. 23, 5 f.

^{page 77 note 8} Ibid.; and Gordiani III, 23, 7f.; but Carus, 8, 7.

^{page 77 note 9} de Gaiffier, B., ‘Palatins et eunuques dans quelques documents hagiographiques’, Analecta Bollandiana, LXXV (1957), 17–46;CrossRefGoogle ScholarLactantius, , de mortibus persecutorum, 15.Google Scholar

^{page 77 note 10} Theophanes, 1, 11–13 (C.S.H.B.); as the text stands Galerius slaughtered the wives, children and sisters of Narses, and took in capture only the Persian treasures (11), but in his later triumph (13) the wives, children and sisters are displayed. The contradiction is easily solved by restoring the vulg. text, so reading παρέλαβε καί instead of καί παρέλαβε.

^{page 78 note 1} de mortibus persecutorum, 21; Theophanes connects the success of Galerius' Persian campaign with Diocletian's introduction of proskynesis (1, 11). Cf. Victor, Aurelius, de Caes. 39, 2–4Google Scholar; Claudian, , In Eutropium, 1, 415Google Scholar; but Alföldi, op. cit. and note 2, p. 73 supra.

^{page 78 note 2} Dorfman, R. I. and Shipley, R. A., The Androgens (New York, 1936), p. 319Google Scholar. Kasanin, J. and Biskind, G. R., ‘Personality Changes following Substitution Therapy in Pre-adolescent Eunuchoidism’, J. Amer. Med. Assoc. (1943), 1317–21CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Simpson, S. L., ‘Hormones and Behaviour Patterns”, B.M.J. (1957), 839CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Hypogonads may not be strictly comparable to eunuchs in their social situation, but the sense of deprivation may be a significant common factor. J. J. Matignon, a doctor at the French legation in Peking, who had opportunities to study court eunuchs at first hand, wrote ‘C'est à tort qu'on a representé l'eunuque comme sanguinaire et violent. Il est plutôt doux, conciliant, conscient de son infériorité’, Les eunuques du palais impérial à Pékin, , Bull, de la soc. d'anthropologie de Paris, 4 sér. VII (1896), 334Google Scholar. J. J. Bremer, in the most comprehensive recent study of the castration of adult sex criminals, etc., wrote of a ‘peculiar emotional lability’ among castrates and of an endocrine psychosyndrome (usually of an asthenic and dysphoric-depressive nature) which affected 25% of his sample. He did not find a general pacifying effect in many cases in social behaviour; one cannot tell how far this was affected by the psychopathology of his subjects (Asexualisation (Oslo, 1958), pp. 25, 159f., 309). The same lability is remarked by Mez, A., Die Renaissance des Islams (Heidelberg, 1922), p. 336.Google Scholar

^{page 78 note 3} Bremer, op. cit. pp. 109–11.

^{page 78 note 4} Sozomen, , H.E. 2, 9Google Scholar; and cf. Guilland, R., ‘Les eunuques dans l'empire byzantin’, Études Byzantines, 1 (1943), 200.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 78 note 5} Ammianus, 14, 6, 17; cf. Jerome, , Ep. 22, 16 and 32Google Scholar; 54, 13; 66, 13.

^{page 78 note 6} Vita Melaniae, 1, 5 (Anal. Boll, VIII (1889), 23); Cyril of Alexandria, , sermo contra eunuchos, P.G. 77, 1108Google Scholar; Palladius, , Hist. Laus. 35 (ed. Butler, , 106)Google Scholar; ibid. 61, 157; Malchus, frg. 8.

^{page 78 note 7} Procopius, , Anecdota, 3, 2Google Scholar; Cyril of Alexandria, , sermo contra eunuchos, P.G. 77, 1108–9Google Scholar, for a catalogue of their activities; Jerome, , In Jovinianum, 1, 47Google Scholar, and cf. Juvenal, 6, 366 f.

^{page 79 note 1} Claudian, , In Eutropium, 1, 45–6Google Scholar; Basil, , Ep. 115Google Scholar; C.J. 7, 7, 1 (530); Petronius, , Satyricon, 119Google Scholar. Cf. the Chinese custom of early castration, Williams, S. W., The Middle Kingdom (New York, 1904), vol. 1, p. 408Google Scholar; and the Spanish, Dozy, R. P. A., Spanish Islam (trans. London, 1913), p. 430Google Scholar. The eunuchs had to be trained and educated for the palace service.

^{page 79 note 2} Theophanes, 1, 79; Cyril of Alexandria, op. cit. 1108.

^{page 79 note 3} Prudentius, , Hamartigenia, 309–10.Google Scholar

^{page 79 note 4} Claudian, In Eutropium, 1, 62–150.

^{page 79 note 5} Ammianus, 16, 7, 4 and 8 (Loeb translation). There is a fulsome dedication to the chamberlain Lausus in Palladius' history, but Butler considers it a later bombastic redaction (Butler, E. C., Historia Lausiaca (Cambridge, 1904), p. 4Google Scholar). Priscus (frg. 13) says that all men held Chrysaphius in high regard, but this was not a view shared by all (J. Ant. frg. 198).

^{page 79 note 6} Basil, , Ep. 115Google Scholar; cf. Cyril of Alexandria, op. cit. 1107–9.

^{page 79 note 7} Ammianus, 18, 4, 3; Sozomen, , H.E. 4, 16.Google Scholar

^{page 79 note 8} Ammianus, 22, 3, 12 ab ima sorte ad usque iubendum imperatoria paene elatum.

^{page 80 note 1} Yang, L-S., Great Families of Eastern Han, trans, in Chinese Social History (Washington, 1956), p. 122.Google Scholar

^{page 80 note 2} Ammianus, 16, 7, 7; Eutherius was an exception and settled in Rome, ibid.

^{page 80 note 3} There is no accurate indication of number. Libanius says they were ‘more numerous than flies on sheep in the spring’ (Or. 18, 130). As an impression only, I should say there were hundreds rather than thousands. If they were taken in young, and given education, and there is evidence that they were (Ammianus, 16, 7, 5, and no accusations of illiteracy), given the high rates of mortality prevalent in the Roman Empire, a fairly large base number would be needed to fill seven top posts with reasonably efficient eunuchs.

^{page 80 note 4} Certainly eunuchs feathered their own nests, but they were not exclusively self-interested. Cf. Ammianus, 21, 15, 4; Malchus, frg. 2a; Ambrose, , Ep. 20, 28Google Scholar; Calligonus, the praepositus of Valentinian II, said to Ambrose: Me vivo, tu contemnis Valentinianum? Caput ubi tollo.