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6. Hence, for example, Ehrenberg's (1969, 24) view that both poleis and ethne grew out of the tribal constitution of early times.

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12. Patterson, O., ‘Context and choice in ethnic allegiance: a theoretical framework and Caribbean case study’, in Glazer, N. & Moynihan, D. P. eds., Ethnicity (1975) 308Google Scholar. Cf. Glazer & Moynihan (1975) introduction; McGuire, R. H., ‘The study of ethnicity in historical archaeology’, Journal of Anthropological Archaeology (1982) 159–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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15. Shennan, S., ‘Introduction: archaeological approaches to cultural identity’, in Shennan, (1989 n. 14) 14–17Google Scholar; Smith, A. D., The ethnic revival in the modern world (1981)Google Scholar chapter 1; Parsons, T., ‘Some theoretical considerations on the nature and trends of change of ethnicity’, in Glazer, & Moynihan, (1975 n. 12) 53–83Google Scholar; Wiessner, P., ‘Style and changing relations between the individual and society’, in Hodder, I. ed., The meaning of things (1989) 56–63Google Scholar.

16. Coldstream, J. N., ‘The meaning of the regional styles in the eighth century BC’, in Hägg, R. ed., The Greek renaissance of the eighth century BC: tradition and innovation (1983) 17–25Google Scholar.

17. Morgan, C., Athletes and oracles. The transformation of Olympia and Delphi in the eighth century BC (1990) 85–9Google Scholar. Courbin, P., Tombes géométriques de l'Argos I (1974)Google Scholar; Hägg, R., ‘Burial customs and social differentiation in eighth-century Argos’, in Hägg, R. ed. (1983 n. 16) 27–31Google Scholar. Argos T45, ca. 725: Courbin, P., ‘Une tombe géométrique d'Argos’, BCH 81 (1957) 322–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

18. Courbin, P., La céramique géométrique de l'Argolide (1966)Google Scholar. Coldstream (GGP (1968 n. 13)) chapter 4. Morgan, C. & Whitelaw, T., ‘Pots and politics: ceramic evidence for the rise of the Argive state’, AJA 95 (1991) 79–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Corinth: Siegal, L. J., ‘Corinthian trade in the 9th through 6th centuries BC, Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University (1978)Google Scholar chapter 1; cf. Isthmia: Morgan, C., Isthmia. The Late Bronze Age settlement and Early Iron Age sanctuary (in preparation) cats. 198–9, 462–6Google Scholar. Arkadia: Dugas, C., ‘Le sanctuaire d'Aléa Athéna à Tégée avant le IV^e siècle’, BCH 45 (1921) 335–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Voyatzis, M. E., ‘The sanctuary of Athena Alea at Tegea 800–600 BC and its relations to other Arcadian sanctuaries’, unpublished Ph.D. thesis. University of London (1985)Google Scholar chapter 3. Kynouria: Faklaris, P. B., (1985)Google Scholarpassim.

19. Regional studies include Anderson, J. K., ‘A topographical and historical study of Achaia’, BSA 49 (1954) 72–92Google Scholar. Morgan, C., ‘Settlement and exploitation in the region of the Corinthian Gulf, ca. 1000–7000 BC, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Cambridge (1986)Google Scholar chapters 2, 5.

20. Anderson (1954 n. 19). Helike & Bura: Pausanias 7.24.4–7, 7.25.5: Strabo 8.7.2, 5. The separation of Pellene from the rest of Achaia in antiquity is reinforced by the independent account of its constitution prepared by or for Aristotle, Frag. 526 (1567b 40ff.)

21. Naval Intelligence Division, Admiralty handbook, Greece I (1944) 44–50, II (1945) 162–6Google Scholar; Philippson, A., Die Griechischen Landschaften III, i (1959)Google Scholar chapter V.

22. Dodwell, E., A Classical and topographical tour through Greece II (1819)Google Scholar chapter VIII; Salvator, L., Eine Spazierfahrt im Golfe von Korinth (1876)Google Scholar. Other modern travellers' accounts of Achaia include: Boblaye, E. Puillon et al. , Expédition scientifique de Morée II, 1 (1834) 73–5, 85–7, 93,4Google Scholar; id.Ruines de la Morée (1835) 15–30; Bursian, C., Geographie von Griechenland II (1868/1872)Google Scholar chapter II.5; Curtius, E., Peloponnesus I (1851) 403–95Google Scholar; Gell, W., Itinerary of the Morea (1817) 3–26Google Scholar; Leake, W. M., Travels in the Morea (1830)Google Scholar II chapters XIV–XV, III chapters XXVI–XXVII, XXXI; Leake, W. M., Peloponnesiaka (1846) 389–90, 406–10Google Scholar; Pouqueville, F., Voyage dans la Grèce IV (1826)Google Scholar book XII chapters III–VIII, vol. V (1827) book XV chapter V, book XVI chapters IX–X.

23. I am grateful to the late Dr Perikles Kourachanis for information about the recent history of his home region.

24. Aegira is a major exception: below nn.33, 43, 44, 64. Morgan (1986 n. 19) chapter 2.24.

25. The following information and chronology is taken from chapters 2 and 5 of my Ph.D. thesis (Morgan 1986 n. 19) which form the basis for a study of Achaian Early Iron Age pottery now in preparation (and cf. Morgan, C., ‘Corinth, the Corinthian Gulf and western Greece during the eighth century BC’, BSA 83 (1988) 323–9)Google Scholar. This scheme differs from that proposed by Coldstream (GGP chapter 10, cf. Coldstream (1977 n. 13) 180–1), who distinguishes an essentially ninth-century Protogeometric phase followed by a hiatus and then a Late Geometric II phase during the last quarter of the eighth century. Coldstream consigned the Achaian material then available to a western koine, part of an interacting network of styles including Elean, Messenian and Ithakan, all of which developed during the Geometric period under the close tutelage of Corinth. The question of Corinthian influence on Achaian Geometric was first cautiously discussed by Zapheiropoulos in his publication of grave material from the Pharai valley (‘’, PAE (1952) 411–12Google Scholar), who came to no firm conclusion, but the possibility of a link was taken up whole-heartedly by Coldstream, who dated much Achaian evidence with direct reference to Corinth. The resulting short sequence, described above, was refined by Iphigenia Dekoulakou in her publication of earlier Geometric material from Aigion (‘’, Annuario 60 (1982) 219–35Google Scholar).

This scheme may be criticised on two grounds. First, the term ‘western koine’ is unduly vague, especially since it is based on pottery alone; cf. Coldstream (1983 n. 16). The regions included appear highly diverse in their social and economic structures (in so far as they may be reconstructed, cf. Morgan (1990 n. 17, chapter 3), and they span too wide an area, from Messenia to Aetolia and even Epirus, to allow for the maintenance of regular contacts. Following Coldstream's work, a number of regional studies of material from surrounding areas have highlighted local differences, and also a pattern of connections between Messenia and Lakonia which cannot be extended further north into Elis or Achaia: Coulson, W., ‘The pottery’, in McDonald, W., Coulson, W. & Rosser, J., ‘Excavations at Nichoria in south west Messenia III. Dark Age and Byzantine occupation (1983)Google Scholar; Coulson, , The Dark Age pottery of Messenia (1986)Google Scholar; Coulson, , ‘The Dark Age pottery of Sparta’, BSA 80 (1985) 29–84Google Scholar shows close relations with Messenia. The second objection is a methodological one, concerning the use of Corinthian parallels, however tenuous, to structure the local relative sequence without prior detailed study of internal local contextual evidence. This is not simply a matter of attaching absolute dates to an independently established relative sequence, but rather of shaping that relative sequence by primary reference to external influences, assuming that it is possible to transplant the tripartite Geometric phase to a scheme suitable for Corinth and thus introducing earlier Geometric gaps that need not otherwise exist. I have therefore proposed a continuous sequence with a rather longer Geometric phase than Coldstream allows, no independent EG phase, and significant stylistic variation between different parts of the region (as discussed below).

26. Papadopoulos, T., Mycenaean Achaea (1979) 66–135Google Scholar (126–35 for summary).

27. Papadopoulos (1979 n. 26) 44–6 for house structures, 51–5, 57–8 for tomb construction.

28. Drepanon: Morgan (1986 n. 19) 17–20. Pithoi 1 & 2:1. Dekoulakou, , ‘’, AE (1973)Google Scholar chronika 15–29; pithos 1 had a pair of bronze pins (form cf. Jacobsthal, P., Greek pins and their connexions with Europe and Asia (1956) 5–6Google Scholar), pithos 2 had an iron pin and a bronze lekythos/oinochoe, necklace, ring and 2 disc ornaments. Bronze items were also found in a nearby grave close to the National Road: A Delt 26 (1971) Bl 185–6Google Scholar, pis. 166–7. That the adoption of iron technology need not be automatic is illustrated by Sørensen, M. L. S., ‘Ignoring innovation – denying change’, in van der Leeuw, S. E. & Torrence, R. eds., What's new? A closer look at the process of innovation (1989) 182–202Google Scholar.

29. Morgan (1990 n. 17) chapter 3.

30. Morgan (1990 n. 17) 194–203. A similar pattern may be traced in the earliest dedications at a number of Early Iron Age sanctuaries of personal items which could have been used in daily life (as opposed to purpose-made votives such as tripods or figurines). E.g. Olympia: Morgan (1990) 34–5; Philipp, H., Olympische Forschungen XIII. Bronzeschmuck aus Olympia (1981) 34–54, 114–16, 139–52, 196–208, 261–89Google Scholarpassim. Isthmia: I. Raubitschek, ‘Metal objects’, in Morgan (in preparation n. 18) chapter 2.3.

31. Papadopoulos (1979) n. 26) 172–6 for summary of date presented in the site gazetteer, part I chapter 2; Vermeule, E. T., ‘The Mycenaeans in Achaea’, AJA 64 (1960) 1–21CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Åstrom, P., ‘Mycenaean pottery from the region of Aigion with a list of prehistoric sites in Achaia’, Op. Ath. 5 (1965) 89–110Google Scholar. Liopesi (Adriakou): A Delt 19 (1964) B2 186Google Scholar.

32. Teichos Dymaion: Papadopoulos (1979) n. 26) 24 (bibliography), 46–7.

33. Papadopoulos (1979 n. 26) 30–1 (Katarraktis–Ag. Athanasios), 37 (Aegira), 44–8 (settlement evidence). Cf. S. Deger-Jalkotzy & E. Alram-Stern, ‘Aigeira-Hyperesia und die Siedlung Phelloe in Achaia I. Die mykenische Siedlung’, in Alzinger, W. et al. ‘Aegeira-Hyperesia und die Siedlung Phelloe in Achaia I’, Klio 67 (1985) 394–426CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

34. Derveni: Coldstream, (GGP) 221–3Google Scholar; Vermeule (1960 n. 31) 16–17. Neos Erineos: A Delt 20 (1965) B2 223Google Scholar. Drepanon: n. 28 above.

35. Morris, I. M.Burial and ancient society (1987)Google Scholar chapter 6.

36. Cribb, R., Nomads in archaeology (1991CrossRefGoogle Scholar forthcoming). Jacobsen, T., ‘Seasonal pastoralism in southern Greece: a consideration of the ecology of Neolithic urnfinis pottery’, in Rice, P. ed., Pots and potters. Current approaches in ceramic archaeology (1984) 27–43Google Scholar. Skydsgaard, J. E., ‘Transhumance in ancient Greece’, in Whittaker, C. R. ed., Pastoral economies in Classical antiquity (1988) 75–86Google Scholar; Naval Intelligence Division, Admiralty Handbook Greece II (1945) 162–6Google Scholar.

37. Xenophon, Hellenica 4.6.1.

38. Aegira: Morgan (1986 n. 19) 20–5. Derveni, Neos Erineos: n. 34 above. Drepanon: n. 28 above. Kryoneri: Benton, S., The Ionian islands’, BSA 32 (1934) 239Google Scholar fig. 20; Kalydon: A Delt 22 (1967) B2 320Google Scholar, material in Agrinion museum; Pleuron: Dekoulakou (1982 n. 25) figs. 1–12; Pyllini: A Delt 22 (1967) B2 320Google Scholar; Gavala: Stavropoulou-Gatsi, N., ‘’, A Delt 35 (1980) A 102–30Google Scholar; Stamna: Dekoulakou (1982) fig. 13; Palaiomanina: A Delt 22 (1967) B2 323Google Scholar, material in Agrinion museum; Agrinion: Vokotopoulou, I., ‘’, A Delt 24 (1969) A 79–94Google Scholar. Morgan (1986) 29–32 for similarities in kantharoi from both regions. (Earlier SM/PG Astakos: Benton, S., ‘Excavations in Ithaka III: the cave at Polis, II’, BSA 39 (1938/1939) 13Google Scholar n.6.)

39. Compare the following examples of handmade impressed ware: Aigion: Dekoulakou (1982 n. 25) figs. 20–1; Ano Mazaraki: Papapostolou, I., ‘’, PAE 1982, 187–8Google Scholar; Delphi: Amandry, P., ‘Petits objets de Delphes’, BCH 68/9 (1944–1945) p. 37CrossRefGoogle Scholar, fig. 3. Much has been made of three almost identical oinochoai found at Aetos, Drepanon and Medeon, which are probably of Ithakan origin: Morgan (1986 n. 19) 27–8; Snodgrass (1971 n. 13) figs. 42–1. These are often taken to indicate regular west-east contacts along the Gulf, but at Drepanon, and especially Medeon, they appear isolated in their immediate context and are more likely to reflect unusual or sporadic activity, perhaps (on recent analogy) calls at local harbours in the course of fishing expeditions along the Gulf.

40. Palaiomanina: Protogeometric and Geometric n. 38 above, A Delt 17 (1961/1962) B 184–5Google Scholar. Drepanon: Protogeometric and Geometric n. 28 above, A Delt 26 (1971) B1 186–7Google Scholar.

41. Aegira: Morgan (1986 n. 19) 90–3. Aigion: Dekoulakou (1982 n. 25) 224, figs. 15–16; A Delt 22 (1967) B1 214–15Google Scholar; A Delt 29 (1974) B2 381Google Scholar; A Delt 31 (1976) Bl 97Google Scholar; a small number of burials from Aigion without goods are impossible to date, but could represent earlier activity, e.g. A Delt 39 (1984) 94–5Google Scholar (2 burials found above, and presumably later than, Mycenaean levels). Neos Erineos: A Delt 20 (1965) B2 223Google Scholar. Drepanon nn. 28, 40 above. Kastritsi, A.: A Delt 30 (1975) B1 118Google Scholar. Rhypes: Leekley, D. & Noyes, R., Archaeological excavations in southern Greece (1976) 42Google Scholar note Geometric sherds from Trapeza hill, ca. 7 km SW of Aigion, but although Mycenaean remains have been found here, no Geometric material is mentioned in the excavation reports cited and the reference remains unclear. Patras: Papadopoulos (1979 n. 26) 28 notes a small quantity of pottery from the Odeion.

42. Dekoulakou (1973 n. 28) pl. 1D.

43. The earliest Corinthian import at Aigion is a Thapsos skyphos of the third quarter of the century: A Delt 31 (1976) Bl 97Google Scholar; Dekoulakou (1982 n. 25) figs. 22–3. Aegira: Alzinger, W., ‘Aegeira’, JOAI 50 (1972/1973)Google Scholar fig. 17 (Lakonian), single Corinthian Geometric sherd unpublished.

44. Alzinger, W., ‘Grabungen Aigeira’, JOAI 53 (1981/1982) 8–15Google Scholar (10 plan 1 for walling on the acropolis); Alzinger, , ‘Aegeira’, JOAI 54 (1983) 36–8Google Scholar fig. 2b; Alzinger, , ‘Aigeira-Hyperesia’, JOAI 55 (1984) 14–15Google Scholar; Alzinger, , ‘Die Bauten der nachmykenischen Zeit’, in Alzinger, et al. (1985 n. 33.) 426–31Google Scholar. Gogos, S., ‘Kult und Heiligtümer der Artemis von Aigeira’, JOAI 57 (1986/1987) 119Google Scholar. Morgan (1986 n. 19) 90–3 for discussion of the eighth-century pottery. Ainian, A. Mazarakis, ‘From rulers' dwellings to temples: a study of the origins of Greek religious architecture in the Protogeometric and Geometric periods’, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of London (1987) 481–4Google Scholar; Ainian, Mazarakis, ‘Early Greek temples: their origin and function’, in Hägg, R., Marinatos, N. & Nordquist, G. C., Early Greek cult practice (1988) 109–10Google Scholar. Tripod: Alzinger (1981/2) 12 fig. 4.; Alzinger et al. (1985 n. 33) 449–50. Alzinger proposes a ninth-century date on the basis of parallels with the Olympia ‘massif’ style: Maass, M., Olympische Forschungen X Die geomelrischen Dreifusse von Olympia (1978) 6–20Google Scholar (cf. Benton's Class I tripods from Polis cave on Ithaka: Benton, S., ‘The evolution of the tripod lebes’, BSA 35 (1934/1935) 113)Google Scholar. The Massif style largely disappears at Olympia after ca. 800, although it could easily have lingered longer at a relatively remote, Achaian site, especially as there is at least one later, MG, example from Olympia itself (Maass 228 no. 38). An eighth-century date, albeit an early one, is therefore quite possible.

45. Stavrochari (Koufales): A Delt 39 (1984) Bl 103–4Google Scholar; Platanovrisi (Kamini): A Delt 19 (1964) B2 186Google Scholar. Disturbed double cist with one oinochoe in situ; a Geometric ring also found in this area, and a glass bead from nearby Leontion is probably of Geometric date. Skoros: A Delt 17 (1961/1962) B 129.2Google Scholar tumuli containing a number of cist burials; site disturbed, three oinochoai restored from sherds: other similar tumuli reported but not investigated). Troumbe 1: Kyparissis, N., “’, PAE (1929) 89–91Google Scholar; Kyparissis, N., “’, PAE (1930) 83–5Google Scholar; Zafeiropoulos, N., “’, PAE (1956) 199–200Google Scholar. Geometric burial constructed in one of a group of Mycenaean tholos tombs, interpreted by Coldstream as hero cult (1977 n. 13 180) on the basis of a doubtful identification of the construction as an altar rather than a secondary burial; 3 vessels, a bronze pin and a terracotta figurine from the tholos, a further 7 vessels restored from sherds scattered in the area, probably from further tombs in the area which were investigated briefly.

Troumbe 2: Kyparissis (1930) 85. Destroyed tomb of uncertain date surrounded by a peribolos wall; one obsidian point preserved. Remains of further burials nearby not investigated. Agrapidies: Papadopoulos (1979 n. 26) 29; Coldstream (1977 n. 13) 180. A group of cist tombs within a peribolos wall; undatable coarse pottery and beads from one burial. Papadopoulos restores a tumulus over these burials and he prefers an LH(II?) date to Geometric proposed by Coldstream et al. Lalikosta: Zafeiropoulos, N., ‘’’, PAE (1957) 114–17Google Scholar; Papadopoulos (1979) 30. Several grave mounds noted, only one opened (cists and pithoi in upper levels, a Geometric chamber tomb at the bottom). No pottery, date on the basis of a clay loom weight. Ag. Basileos: N. Kyparissis (1929) 86–88; Kyparissis, , ‘Excavation of the Mycenaean cemetery of Ag. Basileos, Chalandritsa’, PAE (1928) 110–14Google Scholar (local Mycenaean). Pithos without goods, most likely to be Mycenaean in view of the numerous Mycenaean remains from this area. Pori: Kyparissis (1930) 87. Disturbed traces of an unexcavated cemetery, no chronological evidence (Mycenaean or later?). A, B, Γ Group (at 28 km marker on Patras road): Zafeiropoulos (1952 n. 25) 400–12. 3 slab cists (2 single burials, B re-used in fifth century with addition of peribolos wall). A = oinochoe, 6 skyphoi, bronze rings and iron spit fragments, B (use 1) = pyxis, kyathos, 2 skyphoi, Γ = 3 skyphoi, 3 oinochoai, a bronze ring and bracelet. 2 similar burials, probably Geometric, reported nearby (not investigated), 3 tumuli on opposite hillside similar to those at Lalikosta. Bouga: Zafeiropoulos (1956) 193. Tholos originally described as Geometric, more likely to be Mycenaean. Ag. Giorgios: Zafeiropouls (1956) 195–6. Scatter of geometric and Archaic sherds without context, close to an area of Classical activity. Geometric sherds mainly kantharoi, skyphoi and kraters plus some closed forms and coarsewares. Fieri: Zafeiropoulos (1956) 196–7. Disturbed pithos, 4 vessels reconstructed. Road Grave (close to 28 km marker on the Patras road): Zafeiropoulos (1956) 197–8. Disturbed slab cist with a peribolos wall; 4 vessels.

46. E.g. Coldstream (GGP) pl. 50f dark ground, pl. 50a, c–e.g. light ground. Figure style: Zafeiropoulos (1952 n. 25) 406–12; Morgan (1988 n. 25) 326–9; Coldstream (GGP) 232. Although there is no evidence for the place of production of any of these vessels, the fact that they are of comparatively uniform quality and a similar range of forms is represented in each area makes the regular movement of vessels across Achaian territory unlikely, and it seems that decoration was more likely to have primarily governed by spatial (between-group) rather than social (cross-group) factors.

47. Wobst, M., ‘Stylistic behaviour and information exchange’, in Cleland, C. E. ed., For the director: research essays in honour of James B. Griffin (1977) 317–42Google Scholar; cf. Hardin, M. A., ‘Models of decoration’, in van der Leeuw, S. E. & Pritchard, A. eds., The many dimensions sof pottery (1984) 573–608Google Scholar; P. Wiessner (1989, n. 19); David, N., Sterner, J. & Gavua, P., ‘Why are pots decorated?’, Current Anthropology 29 (1988) 365–79CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hodder, I., Reading the past (1986)Google Scholar chapter 6; Hodder, , ‘Material culture, texts and social change’, PPS 54 (1988) 67–76Google Scholar; Rice, P., Pottery analysis. A sourcebook (1987) 244–73Google Scholar for a review of approaches. Conkey, M., ‘Experimenting with style in archaeology: some historical and theoretical issues’, in Conkey, M. & Hastorf, C. eds., The uses of style in archaeology (1990) 5–17Google Scholar. Cf. Sackett, J. R., ‘Style and ethnicity in archaeology: the case for isocrestism’ in Conkey, & Hastorf, (1990) 32–43Google Scholar.

48. Wiessner, P., ‘Style and social information in Kalahari San projectile points’, American Antiquity 48 (1983) 253–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Shennan, S., ‘Cultural transmission and cultural change’, in van der Leeuw, S. E. & Torrence, R. eds., What's new. A closer look at the process of innovation (1989) 330–46Google Scholar; Shennan (1989 n. 14) 21–2. Cf. Hodder (1982 n. 14) chapter 8.

49. Ag. Giorgos, above n. 45. Monastiraki & Pangitsa: Zafeiropoulos (1952 n. 25) 396–8.

50. Manesi, Flabours & Asani: A Delt 22 (1967) Bl 215–16Google Scholar; Dekoulakou (1982 n. 25) 230–5.

51. Papapostolou 1982 (n. 39).

52. Dekoulakou (1982 n. 25) fig. 34 (aryballos from Asani), fig. 29 (Lakonian-influenced vessels from Manesi).

53. A Delt 17 (1961/1962) B 131–2Google Scholar, sword and early form of Illyrian helmet (early seventh century). A similar sword (plus a spearhead and knife) was found in the slightly earlier, Geometric, pithos 3 at Drepanon (Dekoulakou 1973 n. 28) pl. 1Δα – γ. An early seventh-century pithos burial at Mavrikio contained a late example of a Naue III sword: Kourou, N., ‘’, in ΣΤΗΛΗ· (1980) 314–16Google Scholar pl. 145γ.

54. Seliana: Dekoulakou 1982 (n. 25) 229–30; AR 1980/1 22. Mavrikio: Kourou (1980 n. 53) 3–3–17; Kourou, , ‘Some problems concerning the origins and dating of the Thapsos class vases’, Annuario 61 (1983) 259–68Google Scholar.

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75. Larsen (1967 n. 2) xv: Ehrenburg (1969 n. 1) 39–52, 121–31.

76. Hölkeskamp, K., ‘Arbitrators, lawgivers and the “codification” of law in archaic Greece' (in press); Hölkeskamp, “Written law in archaic Greece’, paper delivered to the Cambridge Philological Society, May 1991Google Scholar, to appear in a subsequent volume of these Proceedings.

77. Snodgrass (1980 n. 1) 53, 99–107.

78. First Messenian war: Cartledge, P., Sparta and Lakonia (1979) 116–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Morgan (1990 n. 17) 99–103. Sack of Asine: Pausanias 2.36.4–5; 3.7.4; 4.14.3. Archaeological corroboration is offered by an abrupt end to settlement which did not resume to any extent until Hellenistic times, with the exception of a very small amount of fifth-century material on the neighbouring plain which may be the remains of a small farmhouse: Rafn, B., Asine IIGoogle Scholar: Results of the excavations east of the acropolis 1970–1974, fasc. 6. The Post-Geometric periods, pt. 1. The graves of the early fifth century B.C. (1979).

79. Snodgrass (1980 n. 1) 99–111; Snodgrass (1986 n. 70) 51–2.

80. Osborne (1987 n. 81) 138–51.

81. E.g. Thucydides 1.111, 115; 2.83, 86; 4.21. Anderson (1954 n. 19) 81–5.

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88. The fact that Aristotle wrote, or had prepared for him, an account of the constitution of Achaia is mentioned by Sopater, Phot. Bibl. cod. 161 (1550b 16).

89. Use the later institutions: Larsen (1967 n. 2) 80–9; Anderson (1954 n. 19) 76–92. Admission of Keryneia: Pausanias 7.2.5–6; Anderson (1954) 81.

90. Thucydides 1.115, 4.21, 7.34 (Achaians as collectivity), 2.83–4 (Patras & Dyme), 7.34 (Rhypes), 5.52 (Alcibiades' speech at Patras), 5.82 (Spartan intervention). Anderson (1954 n. 19) 84–65.

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