¹ Vita Constantini 4.51. See Ausonius. Prof. 17. for the career of Arborius, perhaps Constantius' tutor. See also Downey, G., ‘Education in the Christian Roman Empire’, Speculum 32 (1955), 48–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 57, for the interesting conjecture that Constantine took particular care to ensure his sons received the best possible education, because of his acute awareness of the poverty of his own education.

² Or. 59.34. Note that Wiemer, H.-U. (‘Libanius on Constantine’. CQ n.s. 44/2 (1994), 511–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar) has argued that Libanius drew on Eusebius' Vita Constantini for material for this panegyric.

³ Ausonius, , Prof. 17.8–13Google Scholar. Narbo inde recepit. / Illic Dalmatio genitos. fatalia regum nomina, tum pueros, grandi mercede docendi /formasti rhetor metam prope puberis aevi. / Caesareum qui mox indepti nomen, honorem / praesidis Hispanumque tibi tribuere tribunal.

⁴ Ibid. 17.4.

⁵ Aus., Prof. 16.15–16Google Scholar. H. G. Evelyn White, editor of the Loeb edition of Ausonius, states that ‘this prince is identified with Constantine II’ (I.123). PLRE I.98, s.v. Arborius 4, however, identifies Arborius' imperial pupil as ‘presumably Constantius or Constans’. The editors of the latter are surely correct, since Constantine II spent most of his formative years in the West.

⁶ Or. 1.10d.

⁷ Ibid. 11c.

⁸ Or. 59.33.

⁹ Or. 4.54a–b .

¹⁰ De Caesaribus 42.23. litterarum ad elegantiam prudens.

¹¹ Bird, H. W., Aurelius Victor: De Caesaribus (Liverpool, 1994), viiiCrossRefGoogle Scholar. argues that Victor was promoted to ‘an imperial post, granting access to the emperor [i.e. Constantius], who may have taken him to Sirmium to write the De Caesaribus’.

¹² Bird, H. W., Sextos Aurelius Victor: A Historical Study (Liverpool, 1984), 10Google Scholar, argues that the De Caesaribus was begun in 358 at the earliest and was completed between 9 September 359 and 8 September 360.

¹³ Indeed, Victor's only criticism of the emperor himself (as opposed to his underlings) concerns the emperor's excessive concern with the respect owed to him (42.23).

¹⁴ See n. 11 above.

¹⁵ Apologia ad Constantium. ch. 18.

¹⁶ 13.11 .

¹⁷ For example, Domitian's interest in literature was dismissed as mere pretence by Suetonius (Dom. 2.2.20) and Tacitus (Hist. 4.86.2).

¹⁸ 22.9.4 … ibidem ab Eusebio editcatus episcopo, quem genere longius contingebat.

¹⁹ HE 1.15.

²⁰ Misopogon 352a–354a.

²¹ Ep. ad Ath. 271b–d.

²² HE 5.2.

²³ Ep. ad Ecdicius (Ep. 45 Wright).

²⁴ Ep. ad Porphyrius (Ep. 38 Wright).

²⁵ See Brauch, Th., ‘Themistius and the Emperor Julian’, Byzantion 63 (1993), 79–115Google Scholar, at 81, drawing on Julian's Ep. ad Themistius 257d and 259c. For more on Themistius' role under Constantius, see below p. 176f.

²⁶ Or. 18.13.

²⁷ Or. Const. 23c–d. Transl. Downey, G., ‘Education and public problems as seen by Themistius’, TAPA 86 (1955), 291–307Google Scholar.

²⁸ (n. 27), 295.

²⁹ Lib., Ep. 52.2Google Scholar (Norman), ‘your honours are greater than before … your attendance at his [Constantius'] table denotes a greater intimacy …’ See also Them. Or. 34.353a. Similarly. Eunapius informs us (Vit. Soph. 492) that Prohaeresius ‘had so won over Constans that he sat at his table along with those whom he most honoured’.

³⁰ Lib., Epp. 364, 368Google Scholar (Foerster).

³¹ Themistius, Or. II is a speech in thanks for this appointment.

³² Them., Or. 31.352cGoogle Scholar. For the date, see. Vanderspoel, J., Themistius and the Imperial Court (Ann Arbor, 1995), 76fGoogle Scholar. and Appendix 5. 250–1. For Themistius' career, see also Heather, P., ‘Themistius: apolitical philosopher’, in Whitby, Mary (ed.). The Propaganda of Power (Leiden, 1998), 125–50Google Scholar.

³³ Vanderspoel (n. 32). 77. ‘it [i.e. Or. 1] may have led to his appointment at the city’.

³⁴ See p. 175, esp. n. 25.

³⁵ In 358/9. See Them., Or. 34.13Google Scholar; Lib., Epp. 34, 40, 62, 70, 86 (Foerster)Google Scholar.

³⁶ In Or. 4.52a–53d Themistius notes how Constantinople's denizens, but especially, no doubt, the senators who comprised the orator's audience on this occasion, reflected the virtues and qualities of the emperor. On Themistius' senatorial recruits, see Heather, P., ‘New men for new Constantines?’. in Magdalino, P. (ed.). New Constancies (Aldershot, 1994), 11–33. at 12–13 and 17–18Google Scholar.

³⁷ (n. 32), 163.

³⁸ PLRE 1.890.

³⁹ Themistius quoque philosophus, cuius auget scientia dignitatem.

⁴⁰ CTh. 6.4.12. Transl. Pharr, C., The Theodosian Code (Princeton, 1952)Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Barnes, T. D., ‘Himerius and the fourth century’, CP 82 (1987), 206–25Google Scholar, at 207, 209.

⁴² T. D. Barnes, (n. 41), 209, 212, 224. For Himerius' oration on Gallus' elevation, see also Bidez, J., La Vie de l'empereur Julien (Paris, 1930Google Scholar; ed. 2, 1965), 95.

⁴³ Lib., Orr. 1.74Google Scholar, 2.17. See also T. D. Barnes, (n. 41), 210–11; PLRE I. 505; Norman, A. F., Libanius' Autobiography (London, 1965), 167–8Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Lib., Or. 1.31Google Scholar, Epp. 1119, 1383, 1487, 1533 (Foerster).

⁴⁵ Socr. 3.1.10, 13.5–6, 23.5; Lib., Or. 18.12Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ Constantius' efforts to ensure Constantinople was well provided for as regards lecturers can perhaps also be viewed as part of a general late-antique trend identified by H.-I. Marrou. In his A History of Education in Antiquity (transl. Lamb, G., London, 1956), 308Google Scholar, he writes: ‘Thus in the Late Empire we find the emperors' interest in education becoming more direct, more active and more effective. This was the result of something much more than the general development of State control over all manifestations of public activity; it was the result of a personal concern and genuine interest’.

⁴⁷ J. Vanderspoel (n. 32), 89. A scholion provides the date of delivery. Libanius, , Ep. 12.2Google Scholar, makes it clear that the letter which reached Constantinople was written in Latin and then translated and delivered in Greek. Only the Greek version of this oration has survived.

⁴⁸ Or. Const. (AD 355), 20d–21a, transl. Downey (n. 27), 295.

⁴⁹ See Lib., Ep. 368.1 and 3Google Scholar (Foerster), to Themistius in 358: , and respectively.

⁵⁰ For Celsus' career, see PLRE I. 193–4 s.v. Celsus 3.

⁵¹ For Celsus' move to Constantinople and his study under Themistius, see Lib., Ep. 86.3Google Scholar (Foerster), , and Vanderspoel (n. 32), 84, n. 55, and ‘Themistius and a philosopher at Sikyon’, Historia 36 (1987), 383–4Google Scholar.

⁵² (n. 51), 383–4.

⁵³ Ep. 12.1 (Norman).

⁵⁴ Them., Or. 4.59ffGoogle Scholar. See also Vanderspoel, J., ‘The “Themistius Collection” of commentaries on Plato and Aristotle’, Phoenix 43 (1989), 162–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁵ Or. 4.61b transl. Vanderspoel (n. 32), 74.

⁵⁶ Or. 4.61c–d .

⁵⁷ Ibid. 60c.

⁵⁸ (n. 54), 164.

⁵⁹ Or. Const. 20b–c, transl. Downey (n. 27), 295.

⁶⁰ A Conflict of Ideas in the Later Roman Empire, transl. Mattingly, H. (Oxford, 1952), 115Google Scholar.

⁶¹ CTh. 14.1.1, transl. C. Pharr (n. 40).

⁶² 13.11 .

⁶³ Amm. 15.13.1–2.

⁶⁴ Ibid. See PLRE I. 611–12, s.v. Strategius Musonianus, for his full career. See also Drijvers, J. W., ‘Ammianus 15.13.1–2. Some observations on the career and bilingualism of Strategius Musonianus’, CQ 46 (1996), 532–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁵ Amm. 16.9.2, 10.21.

⁶⁶ PLRE I. 59–60, s.v. Anatolius 3. In addition to these offices, Libanius, , Ep. 40.11Google Scholar (Norman) to Anatolius, informs us that Constantius bestowed gifts upon him ().

⁶⁷ Lib., Ep. 40.10Google Scholar (Norman), . See also Lib., Ep. 4.5Google Scholar (Norman) where Libanius calls him .

⁶⁸ On the confusion of these two officials see Norman, A. F., ‘The Illyrian prefecture of Anatolius’, RhM N.F. 100 (1957), 253–9, at 257Google Scholar; and Barnes, T. D., ‘Praetorian prefects, 337–361’, ZPE 94 (1992), 249–60Google Scholar, at 258–9.

⁶⁹ CTh. 12.1.36 (23 May 346).

⁷⁰ Vit. Soph. 490ff.

⁷¹ PLRE I. 46–7, s.v. Alypius 4. For Julian's comments, see Ep. 10 (Cumont and Bidez).

⁷² PLRE I. 520–1. s.v. Lupicinus 6. For Libanius' comment, see Or. 1.164.

⁷³ Lib., Ep. 245.8Google Scholar (Foerster), .

⁷⁴ PLRE I. 315, s.v. Eutherius 2.

⁷⁵ PLRE I. 727, s.v. Priscianus 1.

⁷⁶ PLRE I. 760–1, s.v. Quirinus 1. He was Governor of Lycia, then Pamphylia, and finally Cyprus.

⁷⁷ Priscianus is described as a rhetor in Epp. 33, 61, 62, 64, 65, and 468 (Foerster); Quirinus is termed a sophist and a rhetor in Epp. 310, 359. and 535 (Foerster).

⁷⁸ Spectatus = PLRE I. 850–81, s.v. Spectatus 1; Eusebius = PLRE I. 303–4, s.v. Eusebius 15; Calliopius = PLRE I. 174–5, s.v. Calliopius 2. For Libanius' reference to them as rhetors, see Epp. 331, 545; Ep. 622; Epp. 215, 441, 220 respectively (Foerster).

⁷⁹ For discussion of paideia leading to high office in the later Roman empire, see Petit, P., Les Etudiants de Libanius (Paris, 1956), 166–88Google Scholar; Matthews, J. F., Western Aristocracies and Imperial Court, A.D. 364–425 (Oxford, 1975), 102–6Google Scholar; Kaster, R. A., Guardians of Language: The Grammarian and Society in Late Antiquity (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1988), 142, n. 133Google Scholar; Liebeschuetz, J. H. W. G., Barbarians and Bishops: Army, Church and State in the Age of Arcadius and Chrysostom (Oxford, 1990), 135–40Google Scholar; Brown, P., Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity (Madison, Wisconsin, 1992), 35–41Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ Pan. Lat XI (3), 20.1–2. See also 23.4 ‘… you [i.e. Julian] it is who have revived the forgotten pursuit of the literary arts’. Transl. Lieu, S. N. C., The Emperor Julian: Panegyric and Polemic (2nd edition. Liverpool, 1989), 29–30 and 32Google Scholar.

⁸¹ For example, Libanius, , Or. 18.157–8Google Scholar, talks of ‘the complete restoration of learning to its position and its renewal in men's regard’ under Julian; and of the Apostate putting ‘the cities under the government of persons of ability in rhetoric’. He goes on to state that under Constantius ‘men full of poetry, prose and subjects from which the art of government could be learned were slighted’.

⁸² Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ed. Bury, J. B. (2nd edition, London, 1929), II. 474Google Scholar (ch. 23).

⁸³ See Bowden, D., The Age of Canstantine and Julian (London, 1978), 89Google Scholar, ‘this deification of the literati was a major tendency of the age’.

⁸⁴ Brown (n. 79), 38.

⁸⁵ Amm. 14.6.1. For Ammianus' excessive preoccupation with men's education, see also Thompson, E. A., The Historical Work of Ammianus Marcellinus (Cambridge, 1947)Google Scholar, ‘in his [Ammianus'] history he tends rather too often to judge a man's worth by the extent of his reading’.

⁸⁶ 30.4.2.

⁸⁷ Amm. 19.12.6.

⁸⁸ Amm. 29.1.10f.

⁸⁹ 30.4.17. For a fuller discussion of Ammianus' treatment of law and lawyers, see Matthews, J. F., ‘Ammianus on Roman law and lawyers’, in den Boeft, J., den Hengst, D. and Teitler, H. C. (eds.), Cognitio Gestorum: The Historiographic Art of Ammianus Marcellinus (Amsterdam, 1992), 47–58Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ Centuries later, of course, law did in fact replace the liberal arts as the key to holding high office.

⁹¹ Matthews, J. F., ‘The poetess Proba and fourth-century Rome: questions of interpretation’, Collection de l'école française de Rome 159 (1992), 277–304Google Scholar. See also Green, R. P. H., ‘Proba's cento: its date, purpose and reception’, CQ 45 (1995), 551–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹² Oration 7 ‘To the Cynic Heraclius’, ‘Why was it that you visited the late Emperor Constantius in Italy, but could not travel as far as Gaul?’.

⁹³ Chron. s.a. 358.

⁹⁴ J. F. Matthews (n. 91), 304. Matthews argues (287) that this grammarian was Aelius Festus Aphthonius, sive Asmonius.

⁹⁵ See Stern, H., Le Calendrier de 354 (Paris, 1953)Google Scholar; and Saizman, M. R., On Roman Time: The Codex Calendar of 354 and the Rhythms of Urban Life in Late Antiquity (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1990)Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ See Rougé, J. (ed.), Expositio totius mundi et gentium, Sources chrétiennes 124 (Paris, 1966)Google Scholar. For the date, see ibid. 59.

⁹⁷ See Photius, Bibl. cod. 62. Since Praxagoras was, Photius informs us, a pagan (῞Ελλην τὴν θϱησϰείαν), it is highly likely that this work, which praises Constantine above all his imperial predecessors, was written during the reign of his son. After all, the extant works written by pagans subsequent to Constantius' death revile Constantine bitterly.

⁹⁸ In ‘The Itinerary of Alexander. Constantius to Julian’, CQ n.s. 47 (1997), 239–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. at 242–3. Also on the Itinerary of Alexander, see Hausmann, H. J., ‘Itinerarium Alexandri (kritische Edition)’, (Diss., Cologne, 1970)Google Scholar; and more recently, Barnes, T. D., ‘Constantine and the Christians’, JRS 75 (1985), 126–136Google Scholar, at 135.

⁹⁹ ‘Jerome and the Origo Constantini Imperatoris’, Phoenix 43 (1989), 158–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 159.

¹⁰⁰ Bird (n, 11), viii.

¹⁰¹ Bird, H. W., ‘Further Observations on the dating of Enmann's Kaisergeschichte’ CQ n.s. 23 (1973), 375–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Barnes, T. D., The Sources of the Historia Augusta (Brussels, 1978), 91Google Scholar; and Burgess, R. W., ‘On the date of the Kaisergeschichte’, CP 90, no. 2 (April 1995), 111–28Google Scholar; and idem., ‘Jerome and the Kaisergeschichte’, Historia 44/3 (1995), 349–69.

¹⁰² (n. 32), 59–61. The map was previously dated to 365/6 by Miller, K., Itineraria Romana: Römische Reisewege an der Hand der Tabula Peutingeriana (Stuttgart, 1916, repr. 1964), xxx–xxxiiGoogle Scholar; followed by Toynbee, J. M. C., ‘Roma and Constantinopolis in late-antique art from 312 to 365’, JRS 31 (1947), 135–144, at 143Google Scholar; and Levi, A., Itineraria picta: contributo allo studia della Tabula Peutingeriana (Rome, 1967), at 65ffGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰³ De vir. ill. chs. 81, 86, and 93 respectively.

¹⁰⁴ Jer. De vir. ill., chs. 87, 89, 90, 91, 92, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 105, and 108 respectively.

¹⁰⁵ See Cameron, Averil, The Later Roman Empire (London, 1993), 167Google Scholar: ‘the more disagreement there was, the more they [learned bishops] wrote and the more they refined their academic position. These writings too required a high level of rhetorical skill… for they show secular learning and philosophical argument being put to the cause of doctrinal issues … they are also evidence of the direction into which so many of the best minds of the day put their talents.’

¹⁰⁶ Eadem 101.

¹⁰⁷ Conf. 8.2.3.

¹⁰⁸ ‘Education and Literary Culture’, in CAH XII (Cambridge, 1998), 665–707Google Scholar, at 669. Similarly, see T. D. Barnes, who labels the Life of Antony, ‘the most influential literary product of the reign of Constantius’, in ‘Christians and pagans in the reign of Constantius’, in Dihle, A., L'Eglise et l'empire au IVe siècle, Entretiens Hardt 34 (Geneva, 1987) 301–37, at 306Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁹ See, Heather, P. and Matthews, J. F., The Goths in the Fourth Century (Liverpool, 1991), ch. 6CrossRefGoogle Scholar, ‘The Gothic Bible’, 155: ‘the bulk of this work should be ascribed to the thirty-five or more years in which Ulfila lived quietly in Moesia [i.e. from 347/8 onwards], rather than the much busier and more fraught seven years preceding’.

¹¹⁰ Suet. Aug. 89 (translated by Robert Graves).

¹¹¹ Amm. 17.5.15 calls him a ‘master of persuasion’. See Eun. Vir. Soph. 655ff. for a lengthy eulogy of Eustathius' rhetorical skills.

¹¹² Or. 4.54b; Lib., Ep. 52.5Google Scholar (Norman), ‘Send me also the epigram of the poet who did honour to your statue, or rather, whose epigram was honoured by the bronze which reproduces your features.’

¹¹³ Or. 1. 80 ‘the emperor … honoured me with countless gifts which increased my prestige and my income, so that I had the revenue of estates without the worry of them’; Epp. 177. 454. 463, 463 (Foerster).

¹¹⁴ Jul., Or. 7.223dGoogle Scholar.

¹¹⁵ The problem here is compounded by the fact that Ammianus purposefully chose not to give due attention to Constantinople in his writings. Neither Ammianus, his fellow Antiochene Libanius, nor his Roman senatorial audience, cared much for the upstart Eastern capital.

¹¹⁶ 31.14.5,8.

¹¹⁷ The Roman Empire of Ammianus (London, 1989), 238Google Scholar.

¹¹⁸ Or. 11.145a.

¹¹⁹ Or. 3.45a–b.