Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-2brh9 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-26T03:19:15.583Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Iron Age ‘Predatory Landscapes’: A Bioarchaeological and Funerary Exploration of Captivity and Enslavement in Britain

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  14 April 2020

Rebecca Redfern*
Affiliation:
Museum of London 150 London Wall LondonEC2Y 5HNUK & Newcastle University School of History, Classics and Archaeology Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences Newcastle UniversityNewcastleNE1 7RUUK Email: [email protected]

Abstract

This paper proposes a multi-disciplinary approach which can be used to identify captives and the enslaved of Iron Age Britain (seventh century bcad first century). It uses a ‘poetics of violence’ perspective which recognizes that violence and warfare are created and enacted through social relations, and encompasses violence for which there is often no archaeological trace. Roman primary sources, bog-bodies and other archaeological evidence from Iron Age Britain and Europe suggest that people in these states of ‘social death’ were used to acquire material goods, employed in the agricultural economy, and their deaths played an important role in episodes of ritual violence. Drawing on research from North America, a series of funerary, isotope, archaeothantology and osteological variables have been identified for this period, and when integrated into an osteobiography, allows for the re-interpretation of many burials and structured deposits encountered in Iron Age settlements and hillforts.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © 2020 McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Aijmer, G. & Abbink, J., 2000. Meanings of Violence. A cross cultural perspective. Oxford: Berg.Google Scholar
Aldhouse Green, M., 2001. Dying for the Gods: Human sacrifice in Iron Age and Roman Europe. Stroud: Tempus.Google Scholar
Aldhouse-Green, M., 2004. Chaining and shaming: images of defeat, from Llyn Cerrig Bach to Sarmitzegetusa. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 23(3), 319–40.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Aldhouse Green, M., 2005. Ritual bondage, violence, slavery and sacrifice in later European prehistory, in Warfare, Violence and Slavery in Prehistory, eds Parker Pearson, M. & Thorpe, I.J.N.. (BAR International series S1374.) Oxford: British Archaeological Reports, 155–64.Google Scholar
Aldhouse Green, M., 2006. Semiologies of subjugation: the ritualisation of war-prisoners in later European antiquity, in Warfare and Society. Archaeological and social anthropological perspectives, eds Otto, T., Thrane, H. & Vandkilde, H.. Aarhus: Aarhus University Press, 281304.Google Scholar
Allen, J., 2006. Hostages and Hostage-taking in the Roman Empire. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Alt, S.M., 2008. Unwilling immigrants: culture, change, and the ‘other’ in Mississippian societies, in Invisible Citizens. Captives and their consequences, ed Cameron, C.. Salt Lake City (UT): University of Utah Press, 205–22.Google Scholar
Ames, K.M. & Maschner, H.D.G., 1999. Peoples of the Northwest Coast. Their archaeology and prehistory. London: Thames & Hudson.Google Scholar
Arkush, E.N. & Allen, M.W. (eds), 2008. The Archaeology of Warfare. Prehistories of raiding and conquest. Gainesville (FL): Florida University Press.Google Scholar
Armit, I., 2011. Headhunting and social power in Iron Age Europe, in Atlantic Europe in the First Millennium BC. Crossing the divide., eds Moore, T. & Armada, X.-L.. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 590607.Google Scholar
Armit, I., 2012. Headhunting and the Body in Iron Age Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Armit, I., 2017. The visible dead: ethnographic perspectives on the curation, display and circulation of human remains in Iron Age Britain, in Engaging With the Dead: Exploring changing human beliefs about death, mortality and the human body, eds Bradbury, J. & Scarre, C.. Oxford: Oxbow, 163–73.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Arnold, B., 1988. Slavery in late prehistoric Europe: recovering the evidence for social structure in Iron Age society, in Tribe and Polity in Late Prehistoric Europe. Demography, production and exchange in the evolution of complex social systems, eds Gibson, D.B. & Geselowitz, M.N.. New York (NY): Plenum, 179–92.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Baustian, K.M., Harrod, R.P., Osterholtz, A. & Martin, D.L., 2012. Battered and abused: analysis of trauma at Grasshopper Pueblo (AD 1275–1400). International Journal of Paleopathology 2, 102–11.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Beaumont, J., Gledhill, A., Lee-Thorp, J. & Montgomery, J., 2013. Childhood diet: a closer examination of the evidence from dental tissues using stable isotope analysis of segmental human dentine. Archaeometry 55(2), 277–95.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bendrey, R., Hayes, T.E. & Palmer, M.R., 2008. Patterns of Iron Age horse supply: an analysis of strontium isotope ratios in teeth. Archaeometry 51(1), 140–50.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bendrey, R., Leach, S. & Clark, K., 2010. New light on an old rite: reanalysis of an Iron Age burial group from Blewburton Hill, Oxfordshire, in Integrating Social and Environmental Archaeologies: Reconsidering deposition, eds Morris, J. & Maltby, M.. (BAR International series S2077.) Oxford: British Archaeological Reports, 3344.Google Scholar
Berry, J., Parham, D. & Appleby, C. (eds), 2019. The Poole Iron Age Logboat. Oxford: Archaeopress.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Blom, D.E. & Janusek, J.W., 2004. Making place: humans as dedications in Tiwanaku. World Archaeology 36(1), 123–41.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Blondiaux, J., Fontaine, C., Demondion, X., et al. ., 2012. Bilateral fractures of the scapula: possible archeological examples of beatings from Europe, Africa and America. International Journal of Paleopathology 2(4), 223–30.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Booth, T.J. & Madgwick, R., 2016. New evidence for diverse secondary burial practices in Iron Age Britain: a histological case study. Journal of Archaeological Science 67, 1424.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Brickley, M., 2018. Cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperstosis: a biological approach to diagnosis. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 167, 896902.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Brown, F., Howard-Davis, C., Brennand, M., et al. . (eds), 2007. The Archaeology of the A1 (M). Darrington to Dishforth DBFO road scheme. (Lancaster Imprints 12.) Lancaster: Oxford Archaeology North.Google Scholar
Brown, K., Hayden, C. & Score, D., 2014. ‘Down to Weymouth town by Ridgeway’. Prehistoric, Roman and later sites along the Weymouth Relief Road. Oxford: Oxford Archaeology.Google Scholar
Buzon, M. & Judd, M.A., 2008. Investigating health at Kerma: sacrificial versus nonsacrificial individuals. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 136, 93–9.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Cameron, C.M. (ed.), 2008a. Invisible Citizens: Captives and their consequences. Salt Lake City (UT): University of Utah Press.Google Scholar
Cameron, C.M., 2008b. Introduction. Captives in prehistory as agents of social change, in Invisible Citizens. Captives and their consequences, ed. Cameron, C.M.. Salt Lake City (UT): University of Utah Press, 125.Google Scholar
Cameron, C.M., 2011. Captives and culture change. Implications for archaeology. Current Anthropology 52(2), 169209.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Cameron, C.M., 2013. How people moved among ancient societies: broadening the view. American Anthropologist 115(2), 218–31.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Cameron, C.M., 2015. Commodities of gifts? Captive/Slaves in small-scale societies, in The Archaeology of Slavery. A comparative approach to captivity and coercion, ed. Wilson Marshall, L.. (Center for Archaeological Investigations. Southern Illnois University Carbondale Occasional Paper 41.) Carbondale (IL): Southern Illinois University Press, 2440.Google Scholar
Cameron, C.M., 2016. The variability of the human experience: marginal people and the creation of power. Archeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association 27(1), 4053.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Chacon, R.J. & Dye, D.H., 2008. Introduction to human trophy taking. An ancient and widespread practice, in The Taking and Displaying of Human Body Parts as Trophies by Amerindians, eds Chacon, R.J. & Dye, D.H.. New York (NY): Springer, 531.Google Scholar
Chadwick, A.M., 2016. Foot-fall and hoof-hit. Agencies, movements, materialities, and identities; and later prehistoric and Romano-British trackways. Cambridge Archaeological Journal 26(1), 93120.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Champion, T.C., Haselgrove, C., Armit, I., Creighton, J. & Gwilt, A., 2001. Understanding the British Iron Age: An agenda for action. A report for the Iron Age Research Seminar and the Council of the Prehistoric Society. Salisbury: Trust for Wessex Archaeology.Google Scholar
Chapman, A., 2001. Excavation of an Iron Age settlement and a Middle Saxon cemetery at Great Houghton, Northampton, 1996. Northamptonshire Archaeology 29, 142.Google Scholar
Chaitow, E. 2004. A Bioarchaeology Study of Skeletons from Wandlebury Iron Age Hillfort. BA thesis, University of Cambridge.Google Scholar
Cho, S., Crenshaw, K.W. & McCall, L., 2013. Toward a field of intersectionality studies: theory, applications, and praxis. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 38(4), 785810.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Coles, B., 1990. Anthropomorphic wooden figures from Britain and Ireland. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 56, 315–33.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Collis, J.R., 1972. Burials with weapons in Iron Age Britain. Germania 51, 121–33.Google Scholar
Collis, J., 1996. Hillforts, enclosures and boundaries, in The Iron Age in Britain and Ireland: Recent trends, eds Champion, T. & Collis, J.. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 8791.Google Scholar
Collis, J., 2011. ‘Reconstructing Iron Age Society’ revisited, in Atlantic Europe in the First Millennium BC. Crossing the divide, eds Moore, T. & Armada, X.-L.. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 223–41.Google Scholar
Coverley, M., 2018. Psychogeography. Harpenden: Oldcastle Books.Google Scholar
Craig, R., Knüsel, C.J. & Carr, G., 2005. Fragmentation, mutilation and dismemberment: an interpretation of human remains on Iron Age sites, in Warfare, Violence and Slavery in Prehistory, eds Parker Pearson, M. & Thorpe, I.J.N.. (BAR International series S1374.) Oxford: British Archaeological Reports, 165–70.Google Scholar
Creighton, J., 2000. Coins and Power in Late Iron Age Britain. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Crummy, P., Benfield, S., Crummy, N., Rigby, V. & Shimmin, D., 2007. Stanway: An elite burial site at Camulodunum. (Britannia Monograph 24.) London: Roman Society Publications.Google Scholar
Cunliffe, B., 1987. Hengistbury Head, Dorset. Vol 1: The Prehistoric and Roman Settlement, 3500 BC–AD 500. Oxford: Oxford University Committee for Archaeology.Google Scholar
Cunliffe, B., 2009. Iron Age Communities in Britain. An account of England, Scotland and Wales from the seventh century BC until the Roman Conquest. London: Routledge.Google Scholar
Cunliffe, B. & Poole, C.., 2000. Suddern Farm, Middle Wallop, Hants, 1991 and 1996, Danebury Environs Programme. The Prehistory of a Wessex landscape, volume 2, part 3. Oxford: Oxford University Committee for Archaeology.Google Scholar
Cunliffe, B., Farrell, P. & Dee, M., 2015. A happening at Danebury hillfort – but when? Oxford Journal of Archaeology 34 (4), 407–14.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Davis, O., 2019. Danebury and the Heuneburg: creating communities in Early Iron Age Europe. European Journal of Archaeology 22(1), 6790.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Demos, J., 1996. The Unredeemed Captive. A family story from early America. London: Papermac.Google Scholar
Duday, H., 2009. The Archaeology of the Dead: Lectures in archaeothanatology. Oxford: Oxbow.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Engle Merry, S., 2009. Gender Violence: A cultural perspective. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell.Google Scholar
Eska, C.M., 2011. Women and slavery in the Early Irish Laws. Studia Celtica Fennica 8, 2939.Google Scholar
Evans, C., 2003. Power and Island Communities: Excavations at the Wardy Hill Ringwork, Coveney, Ely. (East Anglian Archaeology 103.) Cambridge: Cambridge Archaeological Unit.Google Scholar
Farmer, P., 2004. An anthropology of structural violence. Current Anthropology 45(3), 305–25.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Fausto, C., 2007. Feasting on people. Eating animals and humans in Amazonia. Current Anthropology 48(4), 497530.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ferguson, R.B., 2006. Archaeology, cultural anthropology, and the origins and intensification of war, in The Archaeology of Warfare. Prehistories of raiding and conquest, eds Arkush, E.N. & Allen, M.W.. Gainesville (FL): University Press of Florida, 469523.Google Scholar
Fernández-Götz, M. & Liceras-Garrido, R., 2019. Iron Age societies at work, in Historical Ecologies, Heterarchies and Transtemporal Landscapes, eds Ray, C. & Fernández-Götz, M.. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, 195214.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ford Pitt Museum, 2015–16. Captured by Indians. Warfare and assimilation on the 18th century frontier. https://www.heinzhistorycenter.org/exhibits/captured-by-indiansGoogle Scholar
Fredengren, C., 2018. Becoming bog bodies – sacrifice and politics of exclusion, as evidenced in the deposition of skeletal remains in wetlands near Uppåkra. Journal of Wetland Archaeology 18(1), 119.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Fredengren, C. & Löfqvist, C., 2015. Food for Thor: the deposition of human and animal remains in a Swedish wetland. Journal of Wetland Archaeology 15(1), 122-48.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gale, J., 2003. Prehistoric Dorset. Stroud: Tempus.Google Scholar
Ghezal, S., Ciesielski, E., Girard, B., et al. ., 2019. Embalmed heads of the Celtic Iron Age in the south of France. Journal of Archaeological Science 101, 181–8.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Giles, M., 2009. Iron Age bog bodies of north-western Europe. Representing the dead. Archaeological Dialogues 16(1), 75101.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Giles, M., 2012. A Forged Glamour: Landscape, identity and material culture in the Iron Age. Oxford: Windgather Press.Google Scholar
Giles, M., 2015. Performing pain, performing beauty: dealing with difficult death in the Iron Age. Cambridge Archaeological Journal 25(3), 539–50.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Giles, M., 2016. Death, burial and ritual in Iron Age Britain and the Netherlands. Antiquity 90, 1108–10.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Giles, M. & Joy, J., 2007. Mirrors in the British Iron Age: performance, revelation and power, in The Book of the Mirror. An interdisciplinary collection exploring the cultural story of the mirror, ed. Anderson, M.. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Press, 1631.Google Scholar
Hamby, S. & Grych, J., 2013. The Web of Violence. Exploring connections among different forms of interpersonal violence and abuse. Amsterdam: Springer Link.Google Scholar
Hamilton, W.D., Sayle, K.L., Boyd, M.O.E., Haselgrove, C.C. & Cook, G.T., 2019. ‘Celtic cowboys’ reborn: application of multi-isotopic analysis (δ13C, δ15N, and δ34S) to examine mobility and movement of animals within an Iron Age British society. Journal of Archaeological Science 101, 189–98.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hamlin, C., 2007. The Material Expression of Social Change: The Mortuary Correlates of Gender and Age in Late Pre-Roman Iron Age and Roman Dorset. PhD thesis, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee.Google Scholar
Harding, D.W., 2016. Death and Burial in Iron Age Britain. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Harrod, R.P. & Martin, D.L., 2014. Signatures of captivity and suborbdination of skeletonized human remains: a bioarchaeological case study from the ancient Southwest, in Bioarchaeological and Forensic Perspectives on Violence. How violent death is interpreted from skeletal remains, eds Martin, D.L. & Anderson, C.P.. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 103–19.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Harrod, R.P. & Martin, D.L., 2015. Bioarchaeological case studies of slavery, captivity, and other forms of exploitation, in The Archaeology of Slavery. A comparative approach to captivity and coercion, ed. Wilson Marshall, L.. (Center for Archaeological Investigations Occasional Paper 41.) Carbondale (IL): Southern Illinois University Press, 4163.Google Scholar
Hattery, A., 2009. Intimate Partner Violence. Lanham (MD): Rowman & Littlefield.Google Scholar
Henderson, C.Y. & Alves Cardoso, F., 2013. Special issue entheseal changes and occupation: technical and theoretical advances and their applications. International Journal of Osteoarchaeology 23(2), 127–34.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hill, J.D., 1995. Ritual and Rubbish in the Iron Age of Wessex. (BAR British series 242.) Oxford: British Archaeological Reports.Google Scholar
Hill, J.D., 2011. How did British middle and late pre-Roman Iron Age societies work (if they did?), in Atlantic Europe in the First Millennium BC: Crossing the divide, eds Moore, T. & Armada, X.-L.. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 242–63.Google Scholar
Hooper, B., 1984. Anatomical considerations, in Danebury: An Iron Age hillfort in Hampshire. Vol. 2: The excavations 1969–1978: The finds, eds Cunliffe, B. & Poole, C.. (CBA Research Report 73b.) London: Council for British Archaeology, 463–73.Google Scholar
Hooper, B., 1991. Anatomical considerations, in Danebury: An Iron Age hillfort in Hampshire. Vol. 5: The excavations 1979–88: The finds, eds Cunliffe, B. & Poole, C.. (CBA Research Report 73b.) London: Council for British Archaeology, 425–31.Google Scholar
Hosek, L. & Robb, J., 2019. Osteobiography: a platform for bioarchaeology research. Bioarchaeology International 3(1), 115.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Inall, Y., 2012. In Search of the Spear People: The Archaeology of Iron Age Weapons and Warfare in East Yorkshire in Their European Context. PhD thesis, University of Hull.Google Scholar
James, S., 2002. Exploring the World of the Celts. London: Thames & Hudson.Google Scholar
James, S., 2007. A bloodless past: the pacification of early Iron Age Britain, in The Earlier Iron Age in Britain and the Near Continent, eds Haselgrove, C.C. & Pope, R.E.. Oxford: Oxbow, 160–73.Google Scholar
James, S., 2018. Warriors, war and weapons: or arms, the armed, and armed violence, in Oxford Handbook of the European Iron Age, eds Haselgrove, C.C., Wells, P.S. & Rebay-Salisbury, K.. DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199696826.013.26Google Scholar
Jay, M., 2007. Carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis, in The Archaeology of the A1 (M). Darrington to Dishforth DBFO road scheme, eds Brown, F., Howard-Davis, C., Brennand, M., et al. . (Lancaster Imprints 12.) Lancaster: Oxford Archaeology North, 351–2.Google Scholar
Jay, M. & Montgomery, J., 2019. Isotopes and chariots: diet, subsistence and origins of Iron Age people from Yorkshire, in The Arras Culture of Eastern Yorkshire – Celebrating the Iron Age, ed. Halkon, P.. Oxford: Oxbow, 85100.Google Scholar
Jay, M., Montgomery, J., Nehlich, O., Towers, J. & Evans, J., 2013. British Iron Age chariot burials of the Arras culture: a multi-isotope approach to investigating mobility levels and subsistence practice. World Archaeology 45(3), 473–91.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Jay, M. & Richards, M.P., 2006. Diet in the Iron Age cemetery population at Wetwang Slack, East Yorkshire, UK: carbon and nitrogen stable isotope evidence. Journal of Archaeological Science 33, 653–62.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Jay, M. & Richards, M.P., 2007. British Iron Age diet: stable isotopes and other evidence. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 73, 169–90.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Jordan, A., 2016. Her mirror, his sword: unbinding binary gender and sex assumptions in Iron Age British mortuary traditions. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 23(3), 870–99.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Joy, J., 2011. Exploring status and identity in later Iron Age Britain: reinterpreting mirror burials, in Atlantic Europe in the First Millennium BC: Crossing the divide, eds Moore, T. & Armada, X.L.. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 468–87.Google Scholar
Judd, M.A., 2004. Trauma in the city of Kerma: ancient versus modern injury patterns. International Journal of Osteoarchaeology 14, 3451.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Keener, C.S., 1999. An ethnohistorical analysis of Iroquois assault tactics used against fortified settlements of the northeast in the seventeenth century. Ethnohistory 46(4), 777807.Google Scholar
King, R., Barber, A. & Timby, J., 1996. Excavations at West Lane, Kemble: an Iron Age, Roman and Saxon burial site and a medieval building. Transactions of the Bristol & Gloucestershire Archaeological Society 114, 1554.Google Scholar
King, S.S., 2010. What Makes War? Assessing Iron Age Warfare through Mortuary Behaviour and Osteological Patterns of Violence. PhD thesis, University of Bradford.Google Scholar
King, S.S., 2014. Socialized violence: contextualising violence through mortuary behaviour in Iron Age Britain, in The Routledge Handbook of the Bioarchaeology of Human Conflict, eds Knüsel, C.J. & Smith, M.J.. London: Routledge, 185200.Google Scholar
Kirmayer, L.J., Lemelson, R. & Barad, M. (eds), 2008. Understanding Trauma. Integrating biological, clinical and cultural perspectives. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Klaus, H.D., Harvey, A.R. & Cohen, M.N. (eds), 2017. Bones of Complexity: Bioarchaeological case studies of social organization and skeletal biology. Gainesville (FL): University Press of Florida.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Koch, J.T. & Carey, J., 2003. The Celtic Heroic Age. Literary sources for Ancient Celtic Europe and early Ireland and Wales. Aberystwyth: CSP-Cymru Cyf.Google Scholar
Lamb, A., 2016. The rise of the individual in Late Iron Age southern Britain and beyond. Chronika 6. http://www.chronikajournal.com/back-issues.phpGoogle Scholar
Lamb, A.W., 2018. Later Iron Age Mortuary Rites in Southern Britain: Socio-political Significance and Insular and Continental Context. PhD thesis, University of Leicester.Google Scholar
Lenski, N., 2008. Captivity, slavery, and cultural exchange between Rome and the Germans from the first to the seventh century CE, in Invisible Citizens: Captives and their consequences, ed. Cameron, C.M.. Salt Lake City (UT): University of Utah Press, 80109.Google Scholar
Lenski, N., 2014. Captivity among the barbarians and its impact on the fate of the Roman empire, in The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Attila, ed. Maas, M.. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 230–46.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Macdonald, P., 1996. Llyn Cerrig Bach: an Iron Age votive assemblage, in Art, Ritual and Death in Prehistory, ed. Aldhouse Green, S.. Cardiff: National Museum of Wales, 32–3.Google Scholar
Madgwick, R., 2008. Patterns in the modification of animal and human bones in Iron Age Wessex: revisiting the excarnation debate, in Changing Perspectives on the First Millennium B.C., eds Davis, O.P., Sharples, N.M. & Waddington, K.E.. Oxford: Oxbow, 99118.Google Scholar
Madgwick, R., 2016. New light on feasting and deposition: exploring accumulation history through taphonomic analysis at later prehistoric middens in Britain. Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences 8(2), 329–41.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Madgwick, R., Evans, J. & Sloane, H., 2013. Strontium (87Sr/86Sr) and oxygen (18O) isotope analysis of human remains, in Excavations at Ham Hill, Somerset (2013). Event Number: TTNCM57/2011, July 2014/CAU Report No. 1247, eds Brittain, M., Sharples, N. & Evans, C.. Cambridge: Cambridge Archaeological Unit, 223–8. http://www-cau.arch.cam.ac.uk/1247_ham_hill_somerset.pdfGoogle Scholar
Martin, D.L., 2008. Ripped flesh and torn souls: skeletal evidence for captivity and slavery from the La Plata Valley, New Mexico, AD 1100–1300, in Invisible Citizens. Captives and their consequences, ed. Cameron, C.M.. Salt Lake City (UT): University of Utah Press, 159–80.Google Scholar
Martin, D.L. & Harrod, R.P., 2016. The bioarchaeology of pain and suffering: human adaptation and survival during troubled times. Archeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association 27(1), 161–74.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Martin, D.L., Harrod, R.P. & Fields, M., 2010. Beaten down and worked to the bone: bioarchaeological investigations of women and violence in the ancient southwest. Landscapes of Violence 1(1). https://scholarworks.umass.edu/lov/vol1/iss1/3/Google Scholar
Martin, D.L. & Osterholtz, A.J., 2016. Broken bodies and broken bones: biocultural approaches to ancient slavery and torture, in New Directions in Biocultural Anthropology, eds Zuckerman, M.K. & Martin, D.L.. Hoboken (NJ): Wiley Blackwell, 471–92.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Martin, L., Richardson, M. & Roberts, I. (eds), 2013. Iron Age and Roman Settlements at Wattle Syke. Archaeological investigations during the A1 Bramham to Wetherby upgrading system. Wakefield: Yorkshire Archaeology Service.Google Scholar
Mattingly, D., 2006. An Imperial Possession: Britain in the Roman Empire. London: Penguin.Google Scholar
McKinley, J., 1997. Sovell Down, Gussage All Saints, Dorset. Unpublished human bone report for Wessex Archaeology.Google Scholar
Millard, A.R., 2015. Isotopic investigation of residential mobility and diet, in Cliffs End Farm, Isle of Thanet, Kent. A mortuary and ritual site of the Bronze Age, Iron Age and Anglo-Saxon period, eds McKinley, J.I., Leivers, M., Schuster, J., Marshall, P., Barclay, A.J. & Stoodley, N.. Salisbury: Wessex Archaeology, 135–46.Google Scholar
Millett, M. & Russell, D., 1984. An Iron Age and Romano-British site at Viables Farm, Basingstoke. Proceedings of the Hampshire Field Club Archaeology Society 40, 4960.Google Scholar
Montgomery, J., 2017. Isotope analysis, in ‘Further excavation at Fin Cop Hillfort and stable isotope analysis of the skeletons’, eds C. Waddington & J. Montgomery. Derbyshire Archaeological Journal 137, 4954.Google Scholar
Montgomery, J., Lakin, K. & Evans, J., 2007. Strontium isotope analysis, in The Archaeology of the A1 (M). Darrington to Dishforth DBFO road scheme, eds Brown, F., Howard-Davis, C., Brennand, M., et al. . (Lancaster Imprints 12.) Lancaster: Oxford Archaeology North, 353–4.Google Scholar
Moore, T., 2011. Detribalizing the later prehistoric past: concepts of tribes in Iron Age and Roman studies. Journal of Social Archaeology 11(3), 334–60.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Morris, J., 2011. Investigating Animal Burials: Ritual, mundane and beyond. (BAR British series 535.) Oxford: British Archaeological Reports.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Murer, J.S., 2014. Understanding collective violence: the communicative and performative qualities of violence in acts of belonging. Criminological Approaches to International Criminal Law, 287315. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781107446700.013CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Nash, D., 1984. The basis of contact between Britain and Gaul in the late Pre-Roman Iron Age, in Cross-Channel Trade Between Gaul and Britain in the Pre-Roman Iron Age, eds Macready, S. & Thompson, F.H.. (Occasional Paper n.s. 4.) London: Society of Antiquaries, 92107.Google Scholar
Nash Briggs, D., 2003. Metals, salt and slaves: economic links between Gaul and Italy from the eighth to the late sixth centuries BC. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 22(3), 243–59.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
O'Brien, L., 2014. Decayed, consumed, dried, cut up, drowned or burnt? An overview of burial practices in Iron Age Britain, in Archaeologia Mosellana 9. Hommage a Jeannot Metzler, ed. Gaeng, C.. Luxembourg: CNRA, 2554.Google Scholar
O'Connor, T. & van der Veen, M., 1998. The expansion of agricultural production in later Iron Age and Roman Britain, in Science in Archaeology: An agenda for the future, ed. Bayley, J.. London: English Heritage, 127–43.Google Scholar
Oestigaard, T., 2000. Sacrifices of raw, cooked and burnt humans. Norwegian Archaeological Review 33(1), 4158.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Östenberg, I., 2009. Staging the World. Spoils, captives, and representations in the Roman triumphal procession. Oxford: Oxford University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ousley, S.D., 2001. Lessons learned from the repatriation program at the National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution, in International Colloquium on the First Americans, Kyoto, Japan. Kyoto: IRCJS, 1619.Google Scholar
Parfitt, K. (ed.), 1995. Iron Age Burials from Mill Hill, Deal. London: British Museum Press.Google Scholar
Patterson, O., 2018. Slavery and Social Death: A comparative study, with a new preface. Cambridge (MA): Harvard University Press.Google Scholar
Pearce, J., 2007. Death and time: the structure of late Iron Age mortuary ritual, in The Later Iron Age in Britain and Beyond, eds Haselgrove, C. & Moore, T.. Oxford: Oxbow, 174–80.Google Scholar
Pearson, A., Jeffs, B., Witkin, A. & MacQuarrie, H. (eds), 2011. Infernal Traffic: Excavation of a liberated African graveyard in Rupert's Valley, St Helena. (CBA Research Report 169.) York: Council for British Archaeology.Google Scholar
Peck, J.J., 2013. Status, health, and lifestyle in middle Iron Age Britain: a bioarchaeological study of elites and non-elites from East Yorkshire, Northern England. International Journal of Paleopathology 3(2), 8394.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Peregrine, P.N., 2015. Social death and resurrection in the Western Great Lakes, in Slavery in Ancient Societies, ed. Cameron, C.M.. Salt Lake City (UT): University of Utah Press, 223–32.Google Scholar
Pérez, V.R., 2016. The poetics of violence in bioarchaeology: integrating social theory with trauma analysis, in New Directions in Biocultural Anthropology, eds Zuckerman, M.K. & Martin, D.L.. New York (NY): Wiley, 453569.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Phillips, W.D., 1985. Slavery from Roman Times to the Early Transatlantic Trade. Manchester: Manchester University Press.Google Scholar
Popa, C.N. & Stoddart, S.. 2014. Fingerprinting the European Iron Age. Historical, cultural and intellectual perspectives on identity and ethnicity, in Fingerprinting the Iron Age. Approaches to identity in the European Iron Age. Integrating south-eastern Europe into the debate, eds Popa, C.N. & Stoddart, S.. Oxford: Oxbow, 323–31.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Pope, R. & Ralston, I.. 2011. Approaching sex and status in Iron Age Britain with reference to the nearer Continent, in Western Europe in the First Millennium BC, ed. Moore, T. & Armada, X-L.. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 375416.Google Scholar
Ralph, S. (ed.), 2012. The Archaeology of Violence. Interdisciplinary approaches. Albany (NY): SUNY Press.Google Scholar
Redfern, R.C., 2006. A Gendered Analysis of Health from the Iron Age to the End of the Romano-British Period in Dorset, England (Middle and Late 8th century B.C. to the End of the 4th Century A.D.). PhD thesis, University of Birmingham.Google Scholar
Redfern, R.C., 2007a. A bioarchaeological analysis of violence in Iron Age females: a perspective from Dorset England (mid to late seventh century BC to the first century AD), in Changing Perspectives on the First Millennium B.C., eds Davis, O.P., Sharples, N.M. & Waddington, K.E.. Oxford: Oxbow, 139–60.Google Scholar
Redfern, R.C. 2007b. The influence of culture upon childhood: an osteological study of Iron Age and Romano-British Dorset, England, in Age and Ageing in the Roman Empire: Approaches to the Roman life course, eds Harlow, M. & Laurence, R.. (JRA Supplementary series 65.) Portsmouth (RI): Journal of Roman Archaeology, 171–94.Google Scholar
Redfern, R.C., 2008. New evidence for Iron Age secondary burial practice and bone modification from Gussage All Saints and Maiden Castle (Dorset, England). Oxford Journal of Archaeology 27(3), 281301.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Redfern, R.C., 2011. A re-appraisal of the evidence for violence in the late Iron Age human remains from Maiden Castle hillfort, Dorset, England. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 77, 111–38.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Redfern, R.C., 2016a. Injury and Trauma in Bioarchaeology. Interpreting violence in past lives. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Redfern, R.C., 2016b. Mobility and incremental dental dietary analysis of seven elite individuals from late Iron Age Dorset, England. PAST 83, 1113.Google Scholar
Redfern, R.C., 2018. Blind to chains? The potential of bioarchaeology for identifying the enslaved of Roman Britain. Britannia 49, 251–82.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Redfern, R.C., 2020. Gendered violence in late Iron Age and Roman Britain, in The Cambridge World History of Violence 1: The prehistoric and ancient worlds, eds Fagan, G.G., Fibiger, L., Hudson, M. & Trundle, M.. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/cambridge-world-history-of-violence/FB9191B390F34C4775FA9CDBE864C539Google Scholar
Redfern, R.C. & DeWitte, S., 2011. A new approach to the study of Romanization in Britain: a regional perspective of cultural change in late Iron Age and Roman Dorset using the Siler and Gompertz-Makeham models of mortality. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 144, 269–85.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Redfern, R.C., Hamlin, C. & Beavan Athfield, N., 2010. Temporal changes in diet: a stable isotope analysis of late Iron Age and Roman Dorset, Britain. Journal of Archaeological Science 37(6), 1149–60.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Redfern, R.C., Judd, M.A. & DeWitte, S.N., 2017. Multiple injury and health in past societies: an analysis of concepts and approaches, and insights from a multi-period study. International Journal of Osteoarchaeology 27, 418–29.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Redfern, R.C. & Roberts, C.A., 2019. Chapter 9 – Trauma, in Ortner's Identification of Pathological Conditions in Human Skeletal Remains (3rd edn), ed. Buikstra, J.E.. London: Academic Press, 211–84. https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-12-809738-0.00009-0CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Robb, J., 2008. Meaningless violence and the lived body: the Huron-Jesuit collision of world orders, in Past Bodies. Body-centred research in archaeology, eds Boric, D. & Robb, J.. Oxford: Oxbow, 89100.Google Scholar
Robb, J., 2013. Creating death, in The Oxford Handbook of the Archaeology of Death and Burial, eds Nilsson Stutz, L. & Tarlow, S.. OxfordOxford University Press. DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199569069.013.0024Google Scholar
Roberts, C.A. & Cox, M., 2003. Health and Disease in Britain: From prehistory to the present day. Stroud: Sutton Publishing.Google Scholar
Scheidel, W., 1997. Quantifying the sources of slaves in the early Roman Empire. Journal of Roman Studies 87, 156–69.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Schulting, R.J. 2019. Conclusion: the science of conflict, in Prehistoric Warfare and Violence, eds Dolfini, A., Crellin, R.J., Horn, C. & Uckelmann, M.. New York (NY): Springer, 345–58.Google Scholar
Schulting, R.J. & Bradley, R., 2013. ‘Of human remains and weapons in the neighbourhood of London’: new AMS 14C dates on Thames ‘river skulls’ and their European context. Archaeological Journal 170(1), 3077.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Schulting, R.J., le Roux, P., Gan, Y.M., et al. , 2019. The ups & downs of Iron Age animal management on the Oxfordshire Ridgeway, south-central England: a multi-isotope approach. Journal of Archaeological Science 101, 199212.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Sealey, P.R., 2016. Where have all the people gone? A puzzle from Middle and Late Iron Age Essex. Archaeological Journal 173(1), 3055.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Selinsky, P., 2015. Celtic ritual activity at Gordion, Turkey: evidence from mortuary contexts and skeletal analysis. International Journal of Osteoarchaeology 25, 213–25.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Shapland, F. & Armit, I., 2012. The useful dead: bodies as objects in Iron Age and Norse Atlantic Scotland. European Journal of Archaeology 15(1), 98116.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Sharples, N., 1991. Warfare in the Iron Age of Wessex. Scottish Archaeological Review 8, 7989.Google Scholar
Sharples, N., 2010. Social Relations in Later Prehistory. Wessex in the first millennium BC. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Sharples, N., 2014. Problems and opportunities: Iron Age burial traditions in southern Britain, in Des espaces aux espirits. L'organisation de la mort aux âges des Métaux dans le nord-ouest de L'Europe. Actes du Colloque de la C.A.M. et de la S.B.E.C. Études et Documents Archéologique 32, eds Cahen-Delhaye, A. & de Mulder, G.. Namur: Service Public de Wallonie, 141–59.Google Scholar
Stahl, A.B., 2008. The slave trade as practice and memory: what are the issues for archaeologists?, in Invisible Citizens. Captives and their consequences, ed. Cameron, C.M.. Salt Lake City (UT): University of Utah Press, 2556.Google Scholar
Stead, I.M. (ed.), 1991. Iron Age Cemeteries in East Yorkshire. Excavations at Burton Fleming, Rudston, Garton-on-the-Wolds, and Kirkburn. Swindon: English Heritage.Google Scholar
Stead, I.M., Bourke, J.B. & Brothwell, D.R., 1986. Lindow Man: The body in the bog. London: Trustees of The British Museum.Google Scholar
Stevens, R.E., Lightfoot, E., Hamilton, J. & Hedges, R.E.M., 2013a. One for the master and one for the dame: stable isotope investigations of Iron Age animal husbandry in the Danebury environs. Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences 5(2), 95109.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Stevens, R.E., Lightfoot, E., Hamilton, J., Cunliffe, B. & Hedges, R.E.M., 2013b. Investigating dietary variation with burial ritual in Iron Age Hampshire: an isotopic comparison of Suddern Farm cemetery and Danebury hillfort pit burials. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 32(3), 257–73.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Taylor, T.F., 2005. Ambushed by a grotesque: archaeology, slavery and the third paradigm, in Warfare, Violence and Slavery in Prehistory, eds Parker-Pearson, M. & Thorpe, I.J.N.. (BAR International series S1374.) Oxford: British Archaeological Reports, 225–33.Google Scholar
ter Schegget, M., 1999. Late Iron Age human skeletal remains from the river Meuse at Kessel: a river cult place, in Land and Ancestors. Cultural dynamics in the Urnfield period and the Middle Ages in the southern Netherlands, eds Theuws, F. & Roymans, N.. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 241308.Google Scholar
Thompson, H., 1993. Iron Age and Roman slave shackles. Archaeological Journal 150, 57168.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Tilley, L. & Cameron, T., 2014. Introducing the index of care: a web-based application supporting archaeological research into health-care. International Journal of Paleopathology 6, 59.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Trott, K., 2006. An Archaeological Investigation in Connection with Time Team: Yaverland Manor Farm, Isle of Wight. https://doi.org/10.5284/1027349CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Turpin, J. & Kurtz, L.R. (eds), 1997. The Web of Violence. From interpersonal to global. Chicago (IL): University of Illnois Press.Google Scholar
Ubelaker, D.H. & Khosrowshahi, H., 2019. Estimation of age in forensic anthropology: historical perspective and recent methodological advances. Forensic Sciences Research 4(1), 19.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Velsko, I.M. & Warinner, C., 2017. Bioarchaeology of the human microbiome. Bioarchaeology International 1(1–2), 8699. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/bi.2017.1004CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Verano, J.W., 2008. Trophy head-taking and human sacrifice in Andean South America, in Handbook of South American Archaeology, eds Silverman, M. & Isbell, W.H.. New York (NY): Springer, 1045–58.Google Scholar
Waddington, C., Beswick, P., Brightman, J., et al. ., 2012. Excavations at Fin Cop, Derbyshire: an Iron Age hillfort in conflict? Archaeological Journal 169(1), 159236.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Waddington, C. & Montgomery, J., 2017. Further excavation at Fin Cop hillfort and stable isotope analysis of the skeletons. Derbyshire Archaeological Journal 137, 2265.Google Scholar
Wainwright, G.J. (ed.), 1979. Gussage All Saints. An Iron Age settlement in Dorset. (Archaeological Report 10.) London: Department of the Environment.Google Scholar
Walker, L., 1984. The deposition of the human remains, in Danebury: An Iron Age hillfort in Hampshire. Vol. 2: The excavations 1969–1978. The finds, eds Cunliffe, B. & Poole, C.. (CBA Research Report 73b.) London: Council for British Archaeology, 442–62.Google Scholar
Walther, L., 2017. All out of Proportion? Stature and Body Proportions in Roman and Anglo-Saxon England. PhD thesis, Durham University.Google Scholar
Western, A.G. & Hurst, J.D., 2014. ‘Soft heads’ evidence for sexualized warfare during the later Iron Age from Kemerton Camp, Bredon Hill, in The Routledge Handbook of the Bioarchaeology of Human Conflict, eds Knusel, C.J. & Smith, M.J.. London: Routledge, 161–84.Google Scholar
Weston, D., 2012. Non-specific infection in palaeopathology: interpreting periosteal reactions, in Companion to Paleopathology, ed. Grauer, A.L.. New York (NY): Wiley Blackwell, 492512.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Whitehead, N.L., 2004. On the poetics of violence, in Violence, ed. Whitehead, N.L.. Santa Fe (NM): School of American Research Press, 5578.Google Scholar
Williams, M., 2003. Tales from the dead: remembering the bog bodies of the Iron Age of northwestern Europe, in Archaeologies of Remembrance: Death and memory in past societies, ed. Williams, H.. London: Kluwer Academic/Plenum, 89112.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wilson, B. 1999. Displayed or concealed? Cross cultural evidence for symbolic and ritual activity depositing Iron Age animal bones. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 18(3), 297305.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Woodward, A., 1993. The cult of relics in prehistoric Britain, in In Search of Cult. Archaeological investigations in honour of Philip Rahtz, ed. Carver, M.. York: Boydell Press, 16.Google Scholar